Zanzibar Daima

Date::2/24/2009

Na Ally Saleh

HIVI sasa Serikali ya Dk Amani Karume iko katika mwaka wake wa nne tokea Uchaguzi Mkuu wa mwaka 2005, ambao kama ilivyokuwa chaguzi nyengine mbili za 1995 na 2005 ulikuwa na utata.

Si madhumuni ya makala hii kuzungumzia tata hizo kwa sababu mwandishi anaamini hayo yamepita na tunachotaka kutazama sasa ni utendaji wa Serikali iliyopo madarakani.

Hiki ni kipindi cha pili cha utawala wa Dk Karume, ndio kusema kiongozi huyo kwa sasa amebakisha muda wa miezi 20 kukamilisha ngwe yake ya mwisho kwa mujibu wa katiba.

Hatujamsikia, na inshallah Mwenyenzi Mungu aepushe mbali, Dk Karume akifanya harakati za kutaka kuzidishiwa muda wa kubaki madarakani kama ambavyo Rais aliyemtangulia Dk Salmin Amour alivyotaka kufanya ushawishi wa kubadilisha Katiba ili atawale vipindi zaidi ya viwili.

Hapana shaka Dk Karume amekuwa akisimamia Ilani ya Uchaguzi ya Chama Cha Mapinduzi ambayo ndio iliyomuingiza madarakani.

Ilani hiyo ilikuwa au bora tuseme imekuwa na viwango na vigezo vyake ambavyo vimekuwa na vitakuwa ni visaidizi vya kupima iwapo utekelezaji wa Ilani hiyo umetimizwa.

Kwa hakika Ilani hutarajiwa kutoa mwelekeo wa Chama na muhimu zaidi ni Serikali inayoundwa ambayo kwa mnasaba wa CCM inatakiwa iwe ni serikali inayojali maslahi ya watu kwa sababu hivyo ndivyo mizizi ya chama hicho ilivyo.

Ila tunaweza kabisa kujiuliza iwapo CCM bado ina ukuruba na watu kama inavyojinasibisha maana katika utaratibu wa kutekeleza majukumu yake kuna shaka nyingi tunazoweza kuzitoboa hapa na pale.

Binafsi ninaanza kuona kuwa CCM sio kuwa inajikwaa katika vipaumbele vyake bali kuna dalili za kutosha kuwa vinawekwa nyuma ya kisogo.

Sina hakika iwapo hili linafanywa kwa maana au mantiki gani. Maana madhumuni ya CCM kutaka kuendelea kushika madaraka hayajabadilika na ndio msingi wa chama chochote kile cha siasa. Lakini kwa matendo hayo najiuliza madhumuni ya kushika au kuendelea kushika dola bado ni ya dhati?

Mambo mengi yanafanywa na Serikali ya Mapinduzi Zanzibar ambayo yanaonyesha kutilia shaka hayo madhumuni ya kuendeleza vipaumbele vyake lakini tukio la hivi karibuni kabisa la kununua magari ya fahari kwa gharama kubwa, hili limepita kipimo.

Haiwezi kuingia akilini na haikubaliki kabisa kuwa Serikali itumie fedha zilizosemwa kuwa ni za msamaha wa kodi, basi kukosekane la kufanya katika mambo yalio ya kipaumbele na zikanunuliwe magari ya kifahari.

Rais Karume, Mawaziri na hata Makatibu Wakuu wote kama sisi wanaishi nchi hii na kila mmoja wetu anajua fika kuwa pamoja na ukosefu wa mfumo mzuri wa usafiri ndani ya Serikali, lakini pia suluhu si kununua magari hayo ya kifahari.

Si suluhu pia idadi ya magari iliyonunuliwa maana siamini kuwa kila gari ilikwisha pangiwa wapi itakwenda.

Imeshawahi kutokezea hata pale gari inapopangiwa idara fulani, au wakati mwengine hata iwe ni ya mradi basi mwenye ubavu wake inaichukua na hakuna litalokuwa maana kila mtu anaufyata akiogopea kibarua kisiote majani.

Sipendi kuhoji au kuulizia iwapo manunuzi ya magari hayo, hata kama yasingekuwa ya kifahari, kama yalifuata taratibu rasmi za ki-tenda zilizowekwa na Serikali.

Serikali inapaswa kutambua kuwa hilo ni doa kubwa mno katika suala la utawala bora ambalo SMZ imekuwa ikijipigia debe kuwa inalisimamia kwa nguvu zote.

Nimetanguliza kujiuliza iwapo SMZ imesahau vipaumbele vyake kwa sababu fedha ambayo imetumiwa kununulia magari hayo sio kama haikuwa na umuhimu wa kutumika katika sekta nyenginezo kama afya, elimu na hata kilimo.

Hatuna haja ya kwenda mbali, bali katika shule zetu pamoja na kupitiliza viwango vya millennia na kuwa na vyuo vikuu ambavyo wakati wa Ukoloni au kabla ya Mapinduzi havikuwapo, lakini tunajua sote kuwa watoto wetu bado wanakaa chini katika madarasa, vyumba vya kusomea viko hali mbaya sana na hata vifaa vya maabara ni haba na vilivyoko vimechakaa.

Pamoja na hatua zinazotajwa kupigwa katika sekta ya afya, lakini fedha hizo ni wazi kuwa zinahitajika mno maana vituo havina vifaa vya kutosha na bado kuna mahitaji ya kuweko kwa vituo vya afya katika sehemu nyingi sana za vijiji vya Unguja na Pemba.

Kama Mzanzibari na mdadisi wa siasa za Zanzibar ninaweza kubahatisha ni kwa nini gari hizo zikanunuliwa wakati huu na Waziri Hamza Juma kutetea uamuzi huo hata iwapo ndani ya moyo wake anajua kabisa kuwa hauna uzito hivyo.

Mwisho wa muhula wa Serikali unakaribia na mara nyingi siasa za Zanzibar katika wakati huu huhusisha matukio ya baadhi ya watu walio madarakani kukazana kutengeneza hatma yao na inawezekana manunuzi hayo yana lengo hilo.

Lakini inawezekana pia ikawa ni njia ya kujenga mshikamano kwa watakaopewa magari hayo, na isiwe zwadi, lakini kile kitendo cha kuwa yapo chini ya mamlaka yao na kuwajengea haiba, kitawafanya wabaki karibu na katikati ya Chama au Serikali.

Ila yote na yawe hivyo basi bado mtu anaweza kujiuliza iwapo Serikali ya Zanzibar ilipima umuhimu au ulazima wa kununua magari hayo? Mtu angetamani kupata muhutasari wa kikao kilichotoa maamuzi hayo ili aone aina za hoja ambazo zinaweza kutolewa hata uamuzi kama huo kufanyika.

Maana yaliyotokea Tanzania Bara kwa fedha za kusamehewa madeni yanaeleweka na hapangekuwa na haja ya kurudia makosa hapa Zanzibar.

Hivyo ndivyo akili ya kawaida ingefikiria na kwamba hata kama tumesamehewa waliotusamehe wanatutizama na iko siku watakuja kusema.

Inaelekea CCM na SMZ haiko tena karibu na umma au watu kiasi ambacho hata vilio vyao hawavisikii. Maana kama kweli wanakumbuka vipaumbele walivyovipanga na iwapo kweli vilio vya umma vinasikika, ununuzi wa magari haya ya kifahari usingefanywa.

Tunajua kuwa hata tukisema magari yarudishwe, yauzwe kwa watu binafsi au yazuiliwe kutumika, hakuna litakalofanyika, ila tunalotaka kulifanya sisi ni kuweka rekodi kuwa watu walisema au walitanabahisha kuwa yaliyofanywa ni matumizi mabaya, yasiyozingatia matakwa ya utawala bora, yalikengeuka vipaumbele na yanatia uchungu wananchi wanaolia kwa njaa, mishahara duni na mazingira dhaifu.

Wakati kilio cha umma kitakapopuuzwa basi wananchi hawatakuwa na kufanya isipokuwa moja. Pale magari hayo yatapokuwa yakipita mitaani na viyoyozi vikiwaka na waliomo ndani hawaonekani kwa vioo vyeusi watasema kitu kimoja: ‘Tutaonana mwambani!’

TANBIHI:

Katika toleo lilopita kwenye safu hii kulikuwa na makala yenye kichwa cha habari ‘Waziri Haroun jiuzulu ulinde heshima yako’ ambapo iliandikwa kuwa Waziri huyo amesema haoni sababu ya kujiuzulu kwa kuwa Mawaziri wa Elimu waliopita pamoja na Katibu Mkuu wa CUF Seif Shariff Hamad hawakujiuzulu katika mazingira kama hayo.

Waziri Haroun anasema yeye hakutaja jina la mtu yoyote kwa kuwa anajua wajibu wake na ana heshimu mawaziri walipita. Lakini anakiri kuwa alitoa takwimu na miaka ya mtiririko wa mawaziri mbali mbali kikiwemo kipindi cha uwaziri wa elimu cha Maalim Seif kuanzia.

Ally Saleh

+255 777 4300 22

www.eternaltourszanzibar.net

jumbamaro.blogspot.com

Chanzo: http://mwananchi.co.tz/newsrids.asp?id=10246

By Salim Said Rashid

This Proposition occurs at a time when there is unprecedented debate on the future of Zanzibar and while the debate was short lived in parliament and in the media before it was discontinued by the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania, what started out as a simple question in June on whether or not Zanzibar is a state has generated into discussions, especially inside Zanzibar and amongst the Zanzibari public into all aspects of the Union including its desirability or not; its consolidation or abolition; whether or not it is necessary for Zanzibar in this millennium; which questions the very principle of the Union whilst some consider the issue to be one of structure with proposals being voiced for reforms in the Union structure with one, two or three governments.
Proposition Zanzibar 2015 seeks a two step solution and brotherly relations between the two partner countries of the Union within the existing framework of the East African Community. Zanzibar Vision 2015 is basically a Discussion Paper. Its main purpose is to stimulate discussions amongst those affected by this subject in addition to the other aforementioned aspects.

In examining the recent history of Zanzibar, specifically the 44 year period of the United Republic of Tanzania, we find that this period is dominated by political conflict and this has had negative consequences to both Zanzibar and Zanzibaris as a whole for no faction has escaped from suffering and has resulted in the removal from Zanzibar of essential powers that have been transferred to the Tanzania government under the guise of a Union. This transference of power to Tanganyika, particularly in economic and social Matters has meant the degeneration of the economy in Zanzibar to a situation where more then 70% of the one million Zanzibaris today live on under 1USD per day; for though it is nearly half a century since Zanzibar was included in a Union with Tanganyika, the latter did not utilize the powers given by Zanzibar to plan for the social and economic development of the Islands and there is no evidence of a single strategic economic or social project which the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania has implemented in the economic and social sphere of Zanzibar.

There are fundamental misconceptions about the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar and wild theories exist that unfortunately form the basis of policy decisions; for instance the notion that without it Zanzibar will be left not only politically unstable but economically weak and insufficient, and that without the massive deployment of Union armed forces in the islands there will be a civil war or clash between the supporters of the two main political parties in Zanzibar despite the fact that there has never been such a conflict or civil war between the people in the history of Zanzibar – even during the days of ZNP and ASP – and the fact that Zanzibar is recognized as a very peaceful country with a peaceful people whose preferred weapon is the pen and the ballot box and not the bullet.

It is an indisputable fact that the Isles of Unguja and Pemba – which throughout different periods in history have been inseparable twins, and whose people share a common history and a common destiny as Zanzibaris – have abundant economic resources that can be utilized for the sustainable development of their nation.

There is no question about the viability of the Zanzibar Islands. Kwame Nkrumah said, ‘seek ye political independence first, and the rest will follow’. Zanzibar is guaranteed a sound future provided its people are vigilant in the defence of their fundamental rights.
With imaginative planning in view of her problems, which are small scale, and a National Consensus and Agenda as well as patriotic and honest political leadership, Zanzibar could be transformed into a centre of excellence in a plan that would create for the islands a Freeport status, a regional commercial and IT centre and an economy that will adopt the United States Dollar – which is already the second currency of exchange in Zanzibar even for local transactions – as its primary currency to replace the local currency.

Mauritius which is similarly sized to Zanzibar is considered a good example in Africa in so far as economic and social development are concerned. When Zanzibar was a Freeport in the past it always achieved a booming economy and generated the resources which built the infrastructure that Zanzibaris enjoy to this very day.

In the words of John F. Kennedy, ‘think not what America can do for you but what you can do for America…’, – to paraphrase, we Zanzibaris must not think of what we can get from Zanzibar but what we can give to her for the common good of all our people.

A sovereign Zanzibar can once again become a prosperous island metropolis, can economically create Zanzibar Incorporated whose shareholders and beneficiaries would be all Zanzibaris, and become a moderating influence that seeks genuine friendship and co-operation with all its neighbours and indeed with all nations of the world.

The International Community would be well advised to intervene and pre-empt a potentially unstable political environment as there is grave public concern and unanimity in Zanzibar on the future direction of their country. If this problem is not solved, at least in terms of policy making before 2010, there is the possibility that the General Elections in Zanzibar will be contested over a single major issue – the Union with Tanganyika – and could therefore be considered a referendum on the matter.
This current debate over the Union has brought about national reconciliation in Zanzibar and has united every Zanzibari throughout Unguja and Pemba and across the political divide; it is an exercise that is very healthy, very democratic, and in accordance with both Constitutional as well as Fundamental Human Rights and should not be discontinued.

It is very sad to witness the erosion of the supremacy of the Zanzibar House of Representatives which is the only forum at which the Zanzibari electorate is represented constitutionally and is the depository of Zanzibar sovereignty, its decisions are thus not only important but they matter in so far as Zanzibar domestic and foreign interests are concerned. Indeed a declaration by the House of Representatives on the Union – which would automatically receive global recognition according to international practice which considers all countries equal irrespective of size – will attract the support of all Zanzibaris if it intends to seek greater autonomy for Zanzibar and political parties that champion this cause will be endorsed by the electorate and enjoy a landslide victory during the forthcoming polls in 2010.

There is just cause for concern amongst Zanzibaris who understandably feel their nation has been swallowed by the Union as is the case currently for all intents and purposes with the current form and structure where the Government of Tanganyika and the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania are one and the same, and the Tanganyika parliament which is at the same time the Union parliament has unlimited control over socio-economic matters that are essential to the development of our nation. There have been recommendations by two separate government appointed commissions, headed by Nyalali and Kisanga respectively, for a three tier structure of governance for Tanzania, namely a government of Zanzibar, a government of Tanganyika and a Union Government. These proposals have never been implemented.

Certainly there are many other worries, some of which are worth specific mention, that are causing friction between the Union and Zanzibar.

The Constitution of the Union is a document that is designed to give legal respectability to the strategic decision Tanganyika has made to annex Zanzibar and subjugate her people and derives its validity from the Articles of the Union. International law as well as the treaty practice of common law countries requires that an International Treaty between two sovereign states – as is the case between Zanzibar and Tanganyika – be ratified by the legislative bodies of both. The Articles of the Union specifically stipulated that ratification would be carried out by the Revolutionary Council which, at the time, was the legislative body in Zanzibar; this would have involved the issuance of a Presidential Decree which should have been published in the Zanzibar Government’s official Gazette. There is no evidence that the Revolutionary Council ever met to discuss the Articles nor was a Presidential Decree issued, in fact the notice which stated that the Revolutionary Council had met and approved the Articles of the Union was published in the Tanganyika Gazette and signed by P. R. Nines Fifoot in his capacity as the Acting Solicitor-General of Tanganyika.
The Articles of the Union at the same time made no provision for addition in the number of Union Matters or gradual erosion of Zanzibar sovereignty and lay down a specific procedure for a Union constitution which was to be decided upon by a Constituency Assembly that was to be elected within twelve months which it is assumed and implied, was to have equal membership between the two equal states. This procedure was ignored and instead a TANU – ASP Party Committee of political appointees that had been created by Mwalimu Nyerere to rubberstamp the merger of the two parties in 1977 was tasked with drafting the permanent Union constitution which was adopted by the Tanzania National Assembly at a time when the Assembly itself was an extension of the Party under a dictatorial one-party system where Party Authority was Supreme over Executive, Legislature and Judiciary; a system that gave absolute power and corrupted the leadership of the United Republic and of Zanzibar and permitted during its early phases the creation of death and despair amongst the people under the protective umbrella of Tanzania.

Since the introduction of limited democracy there have been three General Elections all of which have not resulted in the free expression of the mandate of the people of Zanzibar. The time has come for an examination and correction of malpractices at the polls if Zanzibar is to enjoy stability and progress. It is essential that the laws, regulations and systems governing the electoral process in Zanzibar are fundamentally reformed to provide for a free and fair and transparent election in 2010 with international supervision by the United Nations as has happened in the past in many nations such as the Balkans, Kosovo, Haiti, East Timor and which should also happen in Zanzibar so as to secure the free expression of Zanzibaris on the future of their country and choice of governance.

In this respect it is important to investigate carefully the role of Union forces – which are constituted primarily of Mainland Tanzania soldiers – and other security personnel in Zanzibar. There is a commonly voiced opinion among Zanzibaris today that Zanzibar is a nation under occupation, and when asked to produce evidence, they cite the numerous Union military bases densely scattered throughout the Islands.

The multitudes of Union military personnel from these bases that can be frequently sighted chanting and performing military exercises and maneuvers in all parts of Zanzibar have been likened by many to occupational forces practicing ‘classic occupational tactics’ to instill fear in those they occupy with their use of force and threat of use of force; certainly the absence of an external enemy and the use to which these troops were put in Pemba in 2001 – when tens of innocent unarmed people were gunned down at a peaceful demonstration protesting the results of the General Elections of year 2000 resulting in Zanzibari refugees escaping from state violence to the relative safety of the Kenyan coast – makes one question the motive for their enormous deployment and the inescapable conclusion is that the Tanzanian armed forces are located in Zanzibar, apart from intimidating the civilian population, but also to prevent and suppress a potential rebellion by a people that suffer from severe economic and social hardship.

The fact of the matter cannot be ignored that a period of over a month of fierce public debate has elapsed and not a single Zanzibari has publicly expressed pro-Union sentiments in the media or elsewhere. This indicates that there is unanimity on the platform of total freedom for Zanzibar. The Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar was created at the behest of the Western powers, principally the United States of America and Great Britain, who feared that Zanzibar would become ‘the Cuba of Africa’ and export Communist revolution to the continent.

This occurred during the period of the Cold War when East and West wanted to annihilate each other in a senseless arms race and a scenario where international relations were dominated by the East-West dispute. It can therefore be said that the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar has largely served its purpose in so far as Western ideological and strategic considerations are concerned. Zanzibar was suppressed as a nation that experimented with communism but is now no longer a threat or menace to Western interests. Having served its purpose the Union should be dissolved and sovereignty returned to Zanzibar after a period of negotiations with the involvement of independent international mediators to ensure a smooth transition in accordance with the wishes of the overwhelming majority of Zanzibaris who wish to see restored in the region the fourth missing state in the future East African Federation with Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya within the existing framework of the East Africa Community.

Zanzibar, with the assistance of the International Community, must strive to achieve a National Consensus that will allow the negotiation of an amicable settlement with Tanganyika and the restoration of sovereignty and freedom in which situation Zanzibar can prepare for her future as a secular Republic, a Parliamentary Democracy, a society that adheres to the principles of Good Governance and respect for Fundamental Human Rights where meritocracy and needs prevail over nepotism and ideological and political considerations as is the case where a state offers opportunities to one group and blocks opportunities to another section.

Equally, due to the economic and social situation in the islands whose people suffer needlessly from abject poverty, the two major political parties in Zanzibar should be encouraged to agree on a coalition and bring about a Government of National Unity that will create and promote political consensus and conditions suitable for political, economic and social progress in Zanzibar without which she will continue to be unstable politically and without a National Agenda.

The issue of the restoration of Zanzibar sovereignty has to be considered within the framework of Zanzibar membership of the United Nations for Zanzibar has neither been suspended nor expelled from that organization nor does the United Nations Charter provision for the withdrawal of a member; in any case, there has never been a communication from the Zanzibar Government to the United Nations Secretariat in New York in which Zanzibar requested a change in her status of membership. As a result, should a disagreement occur during negotiations between Zanzibar and the Union the matter may be referred to the International Court of Justice in The Hague under Article 94 of the UN Charter by either or both of the parties involved as a dispute between states.

The Zanzibar Government as well as the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania are both on record as having declared that the future of Zanzibar will depend on the wishes of the people of Zanzibar. Mwalimu Nyerere when asked by Colin Legum of the London Observer in 1968 as to whether he will accept it if it is the decision of Zanzibar to secede from the Union replied that he will not use force if is the wish of the Zanzibari people. Accordingly, the only universal political mechanism that is used to ascertain the wishes of the people in similar situations is via the route of a referendum. Impediments and denial of freedom of speech or the use of political intrigues and the involvement of armed security forces and a campaign of misinformation and threats are not instruments that will promote democracy and the evolution of a consensus before the matter is put to the Zanzibari public.

It is to be sincerely hoped that no idea will be excluded; for what can be more fundamental in the history of Zanzibar than the Revolution which occurred in 1964 as an acceptable method of political change in the Islands and was never challenged?

It is also to be hoped that eventually the wishes of the Zanzibari people which should be freely expressed through an acceptable and universal mechanism will prevail over the wishes of those who wish to subjugate her.

There is no reason why Zanzibar cannot become a model of prosperity and progress in this region and transform herself from an underdeveloped to a developed Zanzibar. Zanzibar Vision 2015 can undoubtedly be achieved if all Zanzibaris are prepared to forget their superficial differences and cooperate as a united people sharing a common culture, common language and common religion for the sake of the present and coming generations.

Na Salma Said

VIKARATASI vimesambazwa Zanzibar vikimtaka Waziri wa Ulinzi na Jeshi la Kujenga Taifa, Dk. Hussein Mwinyi aachane na ndoto ya kutaka kuwa rais wa visiwa hivyo, akiwa ni mtu wa pili kufanyiwa vitisho hivyo baada ya Mohammed Seif Khatib ambaye naye alianzia kupewa vitisho vya kufunguliwa jalada lake na wakongwe wa Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM).
Dk. Mwinyi, ambaye ni mtoto wa rais mstaafu wa Zanzibar na Jamhuri ya Muungano, Ali Hassan Mwinyi, ni mmoja wa watu wanaotajwa katika kinyang’anyiro cha kuingia Ikulu ya Zanzibar licha ya waziri huyo kutoweka bayana nia yake.
Vikaratasi hivyo visivyoonyesha mchapishaji wala eneo vilikochapishwa, vimesambazwa kisiwani Unguja vikiwa na kichwa cha habari kisemacho “Zanzibar imefikishwa wapi na mafisadi baada ya miaka 45 ya mapinduzi” na kuelezea historia ya Mwinyi, huku vikimsihi aachane na siasa za Zanzibar.
Vikiwa na maandishi ya kawaida vikaratasi hivyo vya kurasa moja vimeandikwa pande zote mbili, huku maneno yanayoonekana kuwa na nguvu yakipigiwa mstari kuonyesha msisitizo na baadhi ya maneno yakiandikwa kwa herufi kubwa na kuwekewa wino mzito.
Vikaratasi hivyo vinamtuhumu Dk. Mwinyi kuwa ananyemelea nafasi hiyo ya urais wa Zanzibar wakati vikidai kuwa hana sifa.
Pia kuna tuhuma nzito dhidi ya baba yake, rais mstaafu Ali Hassan Mwinyi ikimuunganisha na muasisi wa taifa, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere kwamba wao ndio kwa pamoja walisababisha Zanzibar kufikia hali iliyo nayo sasa.
Vikaratasi hivyo vimekwenda mbali zaidi vikimuonya Dk. Mwinyi vikidai vimetambua dhamira yake, kwa kuwa aliacha jimbo la uchaguzi la Mkuranga na akakimbilia Mikunguni kwa ajili ya kujinasibisha zaidi kama Mzanzibari.
Aina hiyo ya propaganda pia iliwahi kufanywa dhidi ya Waziri Khatib miezi miwili iliyopita. Waziri huyo pia anatajwa kuwania urais wa Zanzibar na hata bila ya kuweka bayana nia yake, tayari ameshakumbana na upinzani mkali kutoka ndani ya CCM kisiwani Zanzibar.
Khatib ni kada wa muda mrefu wa CCM ambaye alipata kushika nafasi zote muhimu kwenye umoja wenye nguvu wa vijana wa chama hicho, kuanzia katibu mkuu hadi mwenyekiti wa taifa

Na Mohammed Khelef Ghassany

Akiwa mjini Zanzibar tarehe 25 Januari mwaka huu, Rais Jakaya Kikwete alinukuliwa akiapa kwamba hatamvumilia yeyote anayeyachezea Mapinduzi. Kwa hakika hakikuwa kiapo tu, bali pia kilikuwa ni kitisho: “Kama mtu hajipendi, achezee Mapinduzi aone.” Ilikuwa kauli nzito, lakini si ngeni kutoka kwa viongozi wa Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), hasa wanaotokea Tanganyika, na hilo ndilo shughuliko kuu la makala hii. Ninahoji kwa nini viongozi wa Tanganyika wawe wakali ‘kuyalinda’ Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar!

Mimi ni kijana wa Kizanzibari na Mapinduzi yanayoapiwa kulindwa hapa ni yale ya Januari 12, 1964 ambayo yaliiondosha madarakani serikali ya mseto wa Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) na Zanzibar and Pemba People’s Party (ZPPP). Zaidi ya asilimia 60 ya sisi Wazanzibari wa leo hatukuyaona Mapinduzi hayo. Sasa ninajiuliza, ikiwa Mapinduzi yenyewe ni hayo, kwa nini yamfanye Amiri Jeshi Mkuu wa Majeshi ya Ulinzi na Usalama ale kiapo hicho cha ‘kuyalinda’ dhidi ya ‘atakayeyachezea’? Au kuna Mapinduzi mengine? Au kuna maana zaidi ya Mapinduzi ambayo haijasemwa hapa?

Ninapotafuta majibu ya masuali kama hayo, ndipo ninapojikuta kulazimika kuziangalia nadharia zilizopo kuhusu Mapinduzi yenyewe. Nagundua kuwa kuna haja ya kwanza kujibu suali: Nini hasa kilitokezea tarehe 11 Januari, 1964?

Nadharia zipo tatu: mbili zimezoeleka, moja ngeni. Ya kwanza inasema kuwa siku hiyo kundi la vijana wa tabaka la chini lilipandwa na hasira kutokana na kuendelea kwa hali ngumu ya maisha, huku wakiwa hawaoni dalili yoyote ya mabadiliko yoyote ya kiuchumi na kisiasa yanayoweza kuwanufaisha. Wakaamua kuelekeza hasira zao kwa tabaka la juu na tabaka la kati, waliyoamini kuwa yanafaidi uchumi wa Zanzibar peke yao. Na kwa kuwa Mji Mkongwe ulikuwa kitovu cha matabaka hayo, vijana wa tabaka la chini wakaamua kuuteketeza kwa moto.

Kwa bahati kundi jengine la vijana wa chama cha Umma, kilichokuwa kikiongozwa na Abdirahman Babu, likaingilia kati mpango huo na ‘kuupa sura ya kimapinduzi’ badala ya uasi tu wa kijamii. Matokeo yake ndiyo kupinduliwa kwa serikali ya ZNP/ZPPP na kuingia madarakani kwa serikali ya Afro Shirazi Party/Umma Party (ASP/UP).

Kwa hivyo, Mapinduzi lilikuwa tukio la kushtukizia tu, ambalo lilikuwa halikupangwa kitaalamu na ambalo, kama si uingiliaji kati wa vijana hao wa Umma, ambao wengi wao walikuwa ni wa tabaka la kati wakiwa na elimu nzuri na mafunzo ya kijeshi kutoka nchi za iliyokuwa Kambi ya Mashariki, basi pengine ungelikuwa uasi mdogo ambao ungelidhibitiwa na askari wachache wa serikali.

Hii ndiyo nadharia inayozungumzwa sana na kundi la wachambuzi wa Ki-marx na Ki-Lenin ambao kwao wao mabadiliko yoyote katika jamii ni matokeo ya msuguano wa kitabaka (class struggle). Hapana shaka, Babu na wafuasi wake (kwa sababu zao wenyewe) waliipigia sana chapuo nadharia hii hata imekuwa ni sehemu ya kumbukumbu za kimaandishi (literature) zilizopo kuhusu tukio hilo lililobadilisha mstatili wa mambo Zanzibar.

Nadharia ya pili inasema kwamba, kilichotokezea siku hiyo kilikuwa ni matokeo ya maandalizi ya ASP ya muda mrefu. Waafrika wenye uchungu na waliovunjwa moyo na matokeo ya kura katika chaguzi zote – kuanzia ule wa 1961 hadi wa 1963 – sasa waliamua kujitolea muhanga, wakasuka mipango ikasukika, na siku hiyo wakachukua mapanga na mashoka na kuivamia serikali kibaraka iliyokuwa chini ya usultani wa Kiarabu wa Jamshid bin Abdullah Busaidy na kuipindua.

Kwa mtazamo huu, yale yalikuwa Mapinduzi yaliyofanywa na Waafrika walio wengi dhidi ya utawala wa Waarabu wachache. Kiongozi wa Mapinduzi hayo alikuwa ni Abeid Amani Karume na kikundi cha watu 14 (Committee of Fourteen) ndicho kilichokuwa dhamana wa tukio zima.

Nadharia hii inayaangalia Mapinduzi kama tukio la kikabila na kama matokeo ya kawaida pale wachache wanapowatawala wengi bila ya ridhaa yao. Waafrika wengi dhidi ya Waarabu wachache. Muasisi wa nadharia hii, kwa hakika hasa, ni Julius Nyerere na propaganda yake ilienezwa vyema kupitia Shirika la Kijasusi la Marekani (CIA) kwa kushirikiana vyema na aliyekuwa mkoloni, Dola ya Uingereza. Hii ndiyo nadharia inayotumiwa na wachambuzi wengi wa Tanganyika hadi leo.

Nadharia ya tatu, na ambayo inaweza kuwa ngeni, inasema kwamba kilichotokezea siku hiyo ni majeshi ya dola ya kigeni, na hapa inakusudiwa Tanganyika, kuivamia nchi ya Zanzibar, kuiangusha serikali katika usiku wa tarehe 11 Januari, na kisha majeshi hayo yakarudi Tanganyika alfajiri yakiwacha nyuma waasi waliokuwa wametayarishwa kitambo kuendelea na mauaji na kukamilisha zoezi la kuunda serikali nyingine.

Nadharia hii inayaangalia Mapinduzi yale kama mavamizi ya dola moja dhidi ya nyengine katika mifano inayofanana na kile Indonesia ilichokifanya wakati Ureno alipoondoka Timori ya Mashariki na au Morocco ilichokifanya baada ya Hispania kuondoka Sahara. Nadharia hii inakwenda mbele kusema kwamba ni baada ya kujaribu Zanzibar na kufanikiwa, ndipo Nyerere ‘akatamukiwa’ na akawa anapeleka majeshi yake katika nchi nyengine za jirani kusaidia kile kilichoitwa wakati huo “Mstari wa Mbele Katika Ukombozi wa Afrika.”

Kuna simulizi zinazosema kuwa wakati Mfalme Jamshid alipowasili Portsmouth, Uingereza, kwa hifadhi ya kisiasa, alisema kwamba yeye hakupinduliwa na Wazanzibari, bali majeshi ya kigeni (Tanganyika) ndiyo yaliyoivamia nchi yake (Zanzibar). Inasemekana Nyerere na Baraza la Mapinduzi waliipata kauli hiyo na iliwatetemesha, kwani ilikuwa ikijenga hoja katika sheria za kimataifa dhidi ya ‘utakatifu’ wa Nyerere na Mapinduzi ‘yake.’ Hima ukapitishwa mkakati wa ‘kuisahaulisha’ kabisa kauli hii; na kama ni kweli, basi mkakati huo ulifanikiwa maana hadi unasoma makala hii huenda ikawa ni mara yako ya mwanzo kusoma au kusikia haya.

Baada ya kuziangalia nadharia hizi tatu, sasa nikaona kuwa ni rahisi kujibu maswali ambayo nimeyauliza hapo juu. Kwa mfano, unapoipiganisha nadharia ya tatu kwa ya pili chini ya kivuli cha kauli kama hizi za akina Kikwete (za kulinda Mapinduzi dhidi ya anayeyachezea), unapata mwangaza wa jawabu nyengine nyingi hata kwa maswali ambayo hukuwahi kujiuliza mwanzoni. Nitafafanua.

Nadharia ya tatu inasema hivi: tarehe 11 Januari 1964, Amiri Jeshi Mkuu wa Tanganyika anaamuru kikosi maalum cha jeshi lake kwenda Zanzibar usiku na kuipindua serikali changa ya mwezi mmoja. Baada ya wiki moja, nadharia ya pili inasema, Amiri Jeshi huyu ambaye pia ndiye Rais wa Tanganyika, anazungumza na maafisa wa kibalozi na baadhi ya waandishi na kuyaelezea Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar kama tukio lililokuwa la lazima kuwapa nguvu Waafrika waliokuwa wengi dhidi ya utawala wa Waarabu wachache. Kwa nini Rais na Amiri Jeshi Mkuu wa Tanganyika anakuja na tafsiri hii? Anahusika?

Ndiyo, anahusika. Mimi nakubaliana na nadharia ya tatu, yaani kilichofanyika tarehe 11 Januari 1964, ulikuwa ni uvamizi wa dola moja dhidi ya nyengine, kwa maana ya kwamba serikali ya Tanganyika ilituma majeshi yake kuivamia Zanzibar na kuiondosha serikali madarakani, kwa mfano ule ule iliokuja kuufanya miaka kumi baadaye kwa kutuma majeshi yake kwenda kumuondoa rais wa Uganda, japo kwa sababu na malengo tafauti.

Kwa hivyo, leo hii unapomsikia kiongozi wa Muungano (ambaye kwa bahati ndiye pia kiongozi mkuu wa Tanganyika na Amiri Jeshi Mkuu) anaapa kuyalinda Mapinduzi, ana sababu za kufanya hivyo. Anayalinda kwa kuwa Mapinduzi haya ni yake katika kiwango na namna ile ile yalivyokuwa pale mwaka 1964. Yalifanywa na nchi yake dhidi ya nchi nyengine na ana kila wajibu wa kuhakikisha kuwa yanadumu.

Lakini kufika hapa nikajiuliza, hivi kwa nini Tanganyika iliipindua Zanzibar? Nikapata nadharia nyengine tatu. Moja ni woga wa Tanganyika kwamba, kuwa na jirani ambaye alikuwa anapiga hatua za kimaendeleo kwa kasi (kwa kiwango cha wakati ule) kungelikuwa na athari mbaya za kisiasa kwake, kwani wananchi wa Tanganyika wangekuja kuinuka na kudai maendeleo kama waliyokuwa wanayapata Wazanzibari kutoka kwa serikali yao. Hapa inakumbushwa kwamba hadi yanafanyika Mapinduzi, Zanzibar ilikuwa inajitegemea kiuchumi na inatoa misaada kwa nchi nyengine, ina wataalamu wa kutosha wa kizalendo na ina akiba ya kutosha kwa uwekezaji wa ndani katika hazina yake.

Nadharia ya pili ni kwamba, Zanzibar ilikuwa dhaifu kijeshi na kiulinzi na, kwa hivyo, ingeliweza kirahisi kutumiliwa na maadui wa Tanganyika kuishambulia hasa katika msuguano wa Vita Baridi. Inakumbushwa hapa kuwa Uingereza, pamoja na kuwa ilikuwa imekubali kutoa ulinzi kwa nchi nyengine za Afrika Mashariki zilizokuwa makoloni yake (Tanganyika, Uganda, Kenya na Yemen), ilikuwa imekataa kufanya hivyo kwa Zanzibar, na hivyo kwa makusudi kabisa kuiwachia iwe rahisi kuvamiwa, kushambuliwa na kudhuriwa.

Na nadharia ya tatu, ambayo ndiyo ninayokubaliana nayo, ni kuwa Nyerere alikuwa na ndoto za kujenga himaya kubwa ya utawala. Kwa hakika, hata jina la Tanzania, ambalo ulikuja kupewa mchanganyiko wa nchi hizi mbili (Tanganyika na Zanzibar), halikuwa limetokana na Tanganyika na Zanzibar kama inavyosemwa na baadhi ya watu. Jina hili linatokana na Tanganyika na Azania, na Azania ni upwa wote wa Afrika Mashariki, vikiwemo visiwa vya Komoro, Ushelisheli na Bukini.

Kwa lugha nyepesi ni kwamba Tanganyika iliivamia Zanzibar na kuikalia na msamiati wa tendo hilo ukaitwa ‘Mapinduzi.’ Sasa kuchezea Mapinduzi, kwa hivyo, ni kuchezea azma, dhamira na mbinu za Tanganyika dhidi ya Zanzibar. Vivyo, kulinda Mapinduzi ni kudumisha azma, dhamira na kuendeleza mbinu za Tanganyika dhidi ya Zanzibar.

Kadiri nilivyokuwa ninapata majibu ya maswali yangu ya mwanzoni, ndivyo nilivyopata hamu ya kujiuliza maswali mengine ya ziada. Kwa mfano, baada ya kauli ya Kikwete na kwa kuhusisha na kauli kama hiyo ya mtangulizi wake, Benjamin Mkapa, pale mwaka 2005 kule Micheweni aliposema kwamba ameapa kuyalinda Mapinduzi, na matendo yake ya kumwaga vikosi vya kivita kwenye uchaguzi wa 2000, mauaji ya Januari 2001, na luteka la kijeshi la 2005 nchini Zanzibar, ni nani ‘mchezeaji wa Mapinduzi’ hapa Zanzibar leo hii? Nirudi kwenye mgogoro wa kisiasa wa 1995, 2000 na 2005? Hapana, huko ni mbali sana.

Afanaalek! Si kuanzia katikati ya mwaka jana, Wazanzibari wamekuwa wakijikusanya pamoja kutetea mamlaka zaidi kwa nchi yao ndani ya Muungano? Serikali ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar (SMZ), pamoja na udhaifu mwingi ilionao, kwa mfano, ilimwambia Waziri Mkuu Mizengo Pinda kwamba Zanzibar ni nchi, yeye aliposema si nchi. Naibu Waziri Kiongozi, Ali Juma Shamuhuna alifikia umbali wa kujitolea muhanga kwa lolote litakalokuwa, lakini alinde dhamira ya Zanzibar kuwa nchi. Waziri mwengine, Hamza Juma, amefikia umbali wa kusema kuwa Zanzibar itajiunga na Jumuiya ya Nchi za Kiislam (OIC) kivyake ikiwa Serikali ya Muungano inakokota mguu. Waziri anayehusika na nishati, Mansoor Yussuf Himidi, ameshasema si mara moja wala mbili kuwa mafuta ni mali ya Wazanzibari na hilo ni vyema likaeleweka na kuheshimika hivyo tu.

Huo ni upande mmoja: wa CCM Zanzibar na SMZ tu. Kuna upande wa pili ambao ndio hasa injini ya kusimamia hadhi na heshima ya Zanzibar kisiasa – Chama cha Wananchi (CUF). Si Katibu Mkuu wa chama hicho, Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad, amezifufua na kuzipa mwelekeo mpya jitihada za Wazanzibari kuitetea heshima yao ndani ya Muungano? Si viongozi wengine, kama Juma Duni, wameutangazia ulimwengu mzima kuwa Zanzibar haijawa huru chini ya himaya ya Tanganyika? Si Ismail Jussa amefikia umbali wa kuwaahidi viongozi wa SMZ uungwaji mkono wa asilimia mia moja katika kuitetea nchi yao, hata ikibidi kuwapa ngome ya binaadamu (human shield) kama wataletewa vifaru na mizinga vya Serikali ya Muungano? Si Soud Yussuf Mgeni ametamka wazi kwamba sasa kugawiwa kwa misingi ya vyama kumefikia mwisho? Kwamba Zanzibar kwanza, u-CCM na u-CUF baadaye?

Ikiwa hivi ndivyo, basi Wazanzibari hawa ndio wanaoyachezea ‘Mapinduzingwa Matukufu.’ Na hawa – wawe CCM wawe CUF – ndio Amiri Jeshi Mkuu aliowalilia kiapo, maana wanachofanya ni kupingana na azma, dhamira na mkakati wa Tanganyika kwa Zanzibar.

Huo ndio ukweli wenyewe na khabari ndiyo hiyo. Ni bahati mbaya sana, ikiwa wana-CCM wa Zanzibar waliokuwepo Kibandamaiti siku ile ya tarehe 25 Januari, 2009 hawakumuelewa vyema mwenyekiti wa chama chao. Wao wakadhani kuwa kile kilikuwa ni kitisho dhidi ya Maalim Seif, Duni, Jussa, Bimani, Aboubakar Khamis na Dkt. Juma Muchi tu. Ukweli ni kuwa kile ni kitisho zaidi kwa akina Mansoor, Shamuhuna, Hamza na hata Karume na Shamsi wenyewe kuliko kilivyo kwa viongozi wa CUF.

Mwisho, baada ya maswali na majibu yote hayo, nikajiuliza la mwisho: hivi, ikiwa la ‘kuyachezea Mapinduzi’ ndilo hilo nililoliona, kuna ladha gani zaidi kwa Mzanzibari zaidi ya mchezo huo? Mchezo uchezwao na watu kama Maalim Seif na Shamhuna, Jussa na Hamza, Aboubakar na Mansoor?

Wallahi, fakhari iliyoje kuwa sehemu ya mchezo huo! Mchezo wa kikubwa, mchezo wa kizalendo. Mchezo ambao hauna kupoteza. Maana ikiwa utamalizika kwa Kikwete kufanikiwa ‘kuwashughulikia’ wanaoyachezea Mapinduzi, wachezaji hao watatoka uwanjani mashujaa mbele ya jamii ya Wazanzibari kama alivyokuwa Hayati Abeid Karume. Kwake tulisema: “Kilichozikwa ni kiwiwili chako, bali Roho na Mawazo yako bado ya hai.” Na ukimalizika kwa wachezaji kufanikiwa kuondosha azma, dhamira na mkakati wa Tanganyika kwa Zanzibar, watavikwa nishani za dhahabu, za lulu na yakuti. Majina yao yataandikwa kwa wino wa ajabu kwenye vitabu vya historia ya nchi yao. Kuna mchezo bora zaidi ya huo?

Jibu langu likawa “La, Hakuna!” Na kwa sababu hiyo, nami najiunga nao. Najiunga nao nikizingatia msemo: “Ama unganikeni muwe wamoja, au gawanyikeni muchinjwe mmoja mmoja.” Ni juu ya Amiri Jeshi Mkuu Kikwete kuamua kuanza ‘kunishughulikia’ mcheza mie niyachezeaye Mapinduzi yake. Ila hata akija na vifaru na mizinga, atanikuta ndani ya ardhi ya nchi yangu ninamuimbia Mama yetu Mpendwa, Zanzibar:

Kwa jinalo wewe, neno natamka, na kulikariri
Hitaka ujuwe, ndiwe mtukuka, ndiwe wangu huri
Sina mwenginewe, wala hatazuka, wa kumkubali
Watwani ni wewe, kila kitu wewe, Mama Zinjibari!

Nanisemwe kwawe, sitaadhirika, wala sitajali
Hata nichukiwe, sitababaika, moyo haudhili
Nitakuwa nawe, sitakugeuka, hilo ni muhali
Mimi ni kwa wewe, kwa myaka na kaka, Mama Zinjibari!

Nitukanwe kwawe, sitakukanuka, wala sitabali
Kwa vyovyote uwe, sitakugeuka, nitakukubali
Nimezawa nawe, kwako ‘meleleka, vipi nende mbali?
Mimi bila wewe, sina wa kushika, Mama Zinjibari!

Nipigwe kwa wewe, damu ‘tamwagika, kisha ‘tasubiri
Jela nifungiwe, niwe nadhikika, sitakughairi
Mateso nipewe, ita’wa baraka, na ladha nzuri
Kwa jinalo wewe, mimi nanonoka, Mama Zinjibari!

Wacha nife kwa’we, sitanung’unika, ‘tafurahi bali
Lolote naliwe, ewe mtajika, kwa wewe sijali
Nanilaumiwe, nitwikwe mashaka, na masilisili
Watwani ni wewe, kila kitu wewe, Mama Zinjibari!

Februari 2, 2009

Na Salim Bimani

Makala “Ujumbe wa Rais Kikwete umewafikia CUF” iliyochapishwa na gazeti hili katika toleo lake namba 4646 la Januari 31 mwaka huu, inahitaji kujibiwa ili kuweka rikodi sawa.

Dhana ya mawasiliano ya binaadamu inazungumzia kuwa mawasiliano huwa yametokezea pale panapokuwepo na pande zinazowasiliana (sender and sendee), njia ya mawasiliano (channel or medium), ujumb (message) na maana moja katika mawasiliano hayo (shared meaning). Kwa hivyo, wakati kichwa cha habari kinasema ukweli wa upande mmoja, ukweli wa upande wa pili nao pia upo: kwamba ujumbe wa CUF umemfikia Kikwete, na makala hiyo ni ishara za kuwepo kwa hiyo shared meaning (Soma Human Communication cha Judy Pearson na wenzake, McGraw Hill, 2003).

Makala yenyewe iligawiwa katika nukta kuu nne ambazo ni sera ya Chama cha Wananchi (CUF) inayosemwa kuwa ni jino kwa jino, ujanja wa CUF kupindisha ukweli, maendeleo ya Pemba na mpishano baina ya kilichosemwa na Rais Jakaya Kikwete kisiwani Pemba na lawama zinazotolewa na CUF dhidi ya kauli hiyo.

Mambo matatu ni vyema niyaweke wazi mwanzoni. Kwanza, tafauti na mwandishi wa makala hiyo ambaye hataji maslahi yake kwenye mjadala huu, mimi nabainisha maslahi yangu: mimi ni mwanachama wa CUF na ni Mzanzibari, kwa hivyo mjadala huu unagusa maslahi ya chama changu na ya nchi yangu.

Pili, makala inayotajwa iliwacha kugusia kauli ya Rais Kikwete juu ya utayarifu wake wa ‘kuyalinda’ Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar dhidi ya wanaoyachezea kwa gharama zozote zile. ‘Kulinda’ na ‘kuchezea’ Mapinduzi ni kauli yenye maana na uzito wa pekee panapohusika siasa za kidemokrasia.

Tatu, wakati mwandishi wa makala hiyo anaonesha mpishano baina ya alichokisema Kikwete visiwani Zanzibar na lawama za viongozi wa CUF, mimi naonesha kuwa kuna uwiano mkubwa baina ya kauli hizo na ‘sera za Muungano’ kuelekea Zanzibar. Uwiano huo ndio unaoendelea kuleta mpasuko wa kisiasa na ilikuwa haki, kwa hivyo, kwa viongozi makini kama wa CUF kuonesha khofu zao.

Kwa makusudi nataka nidharau madai yasiyo mashiko kwamba CUF ni chama cha Wapemba, cha Waarabu, cha fujo, kilipaka vinyesi kwenye visima na skuli za Pemba au kinachotaka kuvunja Muungano. Mjengeko wa kiuongozi, msimamo, na kwa hakika hata sera ya CUF kuhusiana na maendeleo ya nchi, umoja wa kitaifa, Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar na Muungano ni mambo yanayonajieleza zenyewe na hayataki kusaidiwa. Labda kwa faida ya msomaji, asome ilani za uchaguzi za mwaka 1995, 2000 na 2005, Katiba ya CUF na hata maandishi ya viongozi wakuu wa chama hicho, ambayo yanapatikana bure kwenye http://hakinaumma.wordpress.com na kwenye rekodi nyengine.

Ikiwa msingi wa madai haya ni matokeo ya kura kwa mujibu wa matangazo ya Tume za Uchaguzi (ZEC ya Zanzibar na NEC ya Tanzania), basi msomaji pia anashauriwa kuhakiki hasa zoezi zima la uchaguzi katika visiwa vya Zanzibar kabla hajarukia kwenye hitimisho la mwandishi wa makala ile. Rekodi za chaguzi hizo zinapatikana kwenye mitandao na maandishi mbali mbali nchini kama vile taarifa za waangalizi wa ndani (TEMCO). Kinachohitajika ni mtu kujipa tu muda na uhuru wa kuyasoma.

Badala yake ni Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) ndicho kinachoweza, kwa ushahidi kabisa kuhusishwa na kuitendea maovu Zanzibar kwa misingi ya ubaguzi, uvunjaji wa haki za binaadamu, kuvunja umoja wa kitaifa na hata kuiondolea mamlaka yake ya kujiamulia kama nchi huru. Kwa mfano, ni CCM ndiyo ambayo imekuwa ikijichorea yenyewe taswira ya chama cha kibaguzi kinachoendeshwa kwa misingi ya historia potofu ya Uarabu na Uafrika na ushahidi mmoja wa wazi ni pale, kwenye kinyang’anyiro cha tiketi ya kugombea uraisi wa Muungano mwaka 2005, kilipomkataa Salim Ahmed Salim kwa sababu tu yeye ana asili ya Kiarabu na ni Mpemba (Soma waraka wa Joseph Bukuku na kitabu cha Makwawaiya wa Kuhenga, CCM na Hatima ya Tanzania).

Ni CCM ambayo mwaka 1995 ilipitisha na kusimamia sera ya kuwafukuza kazi Wazanzibari wenye asili ya Pemba, kuwavunjia nyumba zao na kuwazuilia fursa za masomo ya juu (Soma waraka wa CCM, Ofisi Ndogo Kisiwandui kama ulivyonakiliwa katika Uafrika au Uzanzibari? cha Juma Duni).

Ni CCM ambayo mwaka 2001 iliwaua, kuwatesa, kuwanajisi na kuwaibia mali zao Wazanzibari hao wakiwa kwenye kisiwa chao (tembelea mtandao wa Human Rights Watch usome taarifa “Risasi Zilinyesha Kama Mvua”, http://hrw.org). Kwa hakika, CCM inategemea sana fujo katika kuishi kwake kuliko msamiati wa ‘amani na utulivu’ inaouhubiri.

Ni CCM ambayo ina makundi ya Janjaweed, mote Unguja na Pemba, ambayo huwavamia raia wenye asili ya Pemba, wenye asili ya Kiarabu na wale wote wanaodhani kuwa ni wapinzani wao, kuwapiga, kuwabaka na kuwachomea moto nyumba zao (Soma kitabu cha mwaka 2007 cha Kituo cha Sheria na Haki za Binaadamu kwenye sehemu iliyoitwa Zanzibar Chapter). CCM ni baba wa fujo na vurugu. Nje ya fujo, haina uwezo wa kuvuta hewa kwa maana ya kwamba haiwezi kubakia madarakani.

Kwa hivyo, ikiwa hoja ya Upemba wa CUF ilijikita juu ya kukataliwa kwa CCM katika chaguzi hizo tatu na Wazanzibari wenye asili ya Pemba, mwandishi wa makala hiyo anashauriwa kwamba aangalie mwenendo wa siasa za vyama vingi kuanzia mwaka 1992 hadi sasa kabla hajarukia kwenye hitimisho la hoja yake. Maana viashiria (premises) vyote vya hoja anayoijenga vinaelekea kwenye hitimisho tafauti na hilo alilolitoa.

Kama nilivyosema, wacha tuyadharau kwa makusudi madai hayo kwa sababu yanadharaulika. Na kwa hali hiyo, hata nukta ya mwanzo ya kuihusisha CUF na fujo kwa sababu ya kauli yake ya ‘jino kwa jino’ haina nafasi tena ya kujadiliwa, maana inaingia katika mkumbo huo huo wa madai yasiyo mashiko, huku kinyume chake kikiwa ni kweli. Nakusudia kusema kwamba, ukweli ni kuwa CUF ndicho chama cha amani – mfano kimeendelea kuamini njia za kisiasa na kidiplomasia hata katika wakati ambapo CCM inalazimisha matumizi ya fujo kwa kuapndikiza chuki za ukabila na uzawa huku ikivunja haki za binaadamu na kuwadumaza Wazanzibari wasiendelee pale inapotuma vikosi vyake vya Janjaweed kuharibu, kuchoma moto na kuiba mali za watu (Pitia rikodi za uchaguzi wa 2005 kuanzia uandikishwaji katika Daftari la Kudumu la Wapiga Kura).

Nukta ya ujanja wa CUF kupindisha ukweli na inayomsifu Kikwete kwamba ni kiongozi anayejua wapi aseme nini na vipi ndiyo inayoweza kujadiliwa. Nukta inadai kuwa kutokana na uweledi huo, akiwa kisiwani Pemba, Kikwete “alihimiza umoja wa wananchi, ushirikiano wa vyama vya siasa katika kuwaletea watu maendeleo.” Bila ya shaka, hakuna ubaya katika hilo, lakini ubaya ambao makala ile hauusemi ni kuwa Kikwete alitumia ubaguzi kukemea ubaguzi. Nitafafanua.

Ukweli ni kuwa Rais Kikwete anapenda sana kuwasakama Wapemba kama Wapemba na si kama Watanzania wengine; na hili ndilo lililotufanya tangu mwanzoni kuishuku dhamira yake aliyoitangaza Bungeni Disemba 30, 2005 ya kutafuta suluhu ya kudumu kwa ‘mpasuko’ wa Zanzibar. Kwamba hata katika hotuba hiyo ya Bungeni alisema wazi kuwa anashangazwa na Wapemba ambao ambao wamezagaa katika pembe zote za Jamhuri ya Muungano, lakini wakawa wanataka kujitenga!

Kisa? Walikuwa wamekipa chama kisichokuwa CCM madaraka ya kukiongoza kisiwa hicho. Mwaka 1995, karibuni Kilimanjaro nzima ilikuwa mikononi mwa NCCR Mageuzi, lakini Wachagga hakuambiwa kuwa wanajenga hisia za kujitenga. Kwa nini Wapemba tu?

Kabla ya hapo na baada ya uchaguzi mkuu wa Zanzibar wa 2005, Kikwete alihojiwa na gazeti moja la Kiswahili litolewalo kila siku Dar es Salaam na akayaelezea matokeo ya uchaguzi huo kama muakisiko wa Upemba na Uunguja, na hata lile jimbo la Mji Mkongwe la Unguja lililokwenda kwa CUF, alisema, ilikuwa hivyo kwa sababu wapiga kura wa hapo ni Wapemba watupu. Kikwete amewahi kuishi Unguja akifanya kazi Kiswandui, karibu kabisa na Mji Mkongwe, lakini hasemi kweli anapodai kuwa jimbo hilo linakaliwa na Wapemba tu, au hata kama wengi wa wakaazi wa hapo ni Wapemba.

Mara nyingine alikuwa katika ziara za ‘kuwashukuru’ wananchi wa Pemba na Unguja kumchagua mwanzoni mwa mwaka 2006 na tena akiwa visiwani huko akapiga tena mfano wa wakaazi wa Kisiwa Panza wanaogomewa na wenzao kusafirishwa kwenye mtumbwi kwa kuwa tu wao ni wana-CCM.

Upotofu wa mifano hii si ukweli au uongo wake, bali ni muamala wake. Kwamba Kikwete hataki kusema kuwa kile hasa kinachomfanya mwana-CUF kumgomea mwana-CCM ni ukweli kwamba huyo CCM anayegomewa ndiye huyo huyo ambaye aidha alikwenda kupeleka fitina polisi dhidi ya mwana-CUF anayegomea na matokeo ya fitina hiyo ni mwana-CUF kuvamiwa nyumbani kwake, kupigwa mbele ya watoto wake, kubakiwa mke wake, kuibiwa na kuharibiwa mali zake, kuchomewa moto nyumba yake na mwisho yeye mwenyewe kuwekwa ndani kwa kesi ya kuvuruga ‘amani na utulivu.’

Upotofu ni kutokusema kuwa, mwana-CUF huyu mnyonge, baada ya kufanyiwa unyama wote huo na mwana-CCM huyo akishirikiana na dola ya CCM, analazimika kutoa fedha nyingi ili atolewe ndani na anarudi kijijini kwake akiwa uso chini. Ameshapoteza kila kitu: mali, nguvu na, kikubwa kuliko yote, utu na heshima yake.

Upotofu ni kutokusema kwamba, kwa unyonge wake mwana-CUF huyu halipizi kisasi cha kumpiga yule mwana-CCM aliyesababisha haya kama alivyopigwa, kumbakia mke wake kama alivyobakiwa, kumharibia mali kama zake kama zilivyoharibiwa wala kumchomea nyumba yake moto. Lakini anachofanya pekee ni kukata mawasiliano na mahusiano tu na yule mbaya wake. Anamgomea mwana-CCM hata kama ni ndugu yake wa damu, maana ndugu huyo hakuthamini udugu wao ndio maana alithubutu kumfanyia aliyomfanyia.

Kuna unyonge kuliko huo? Kuna namna dhaifu zaidi ya kueleza hisia za mdhulumiwa kama huko? Sasa Kikwete anapozungumzia upande mmoja tu wa ‘mgomo’ huo unaotokezea Pemba, anafanya nini kama si huo ujanja wa kupindisha hoja? Kwa hakika ni Kikwete na CCM ndio wanaopindisha hoja panapohusika suala zima la Pemba na la Zanzibar kwa ujumla wake.

Nukta nyingine inahusu mpishano wa kile alichokisema Kikwete na lawama ambazo anatupiwa kutoka uongozi wa CUF. Kwa kuanzia ni kwamba makala ile inadanganya inaposema kuwa Rais Kikwete hakusema kuwa wapinzani hawawezi kupewa nchi. Kikwete alisema hivyo. Lakini, kwa manufaa ya mjadala, tujadili kile kile tu kinachosemwa na makala hiyo kuwa kilisemwa na Kikwete, yaani ni serikali iliyoko madarakani tu ndiyo yenye jukumu la kuleta maendeleo na kwamba wawakilishi na wabunge ni wapiga kelele tu.

Huu ni upotoshaji wa makusudi. Licha ya kuudharau mfumo wa demokrsia ua uwakilishi, upotofu mkubwa hapa ni kuueleza sivyo mfumo wa uendeshaji nchi unaofuatwa na Tanzania na Zanzibar, ambao ni ule wa mgawanyo wa madaraka baina ya mikono mitatu ya serikali: Baraza la Mawaziri (the Executive), Bunge au Baraza la Wawakilishi (Legislature) na Mahkama (Judiciary). Kikwete na Amani Karume, kimsingi wanasimamia tawi moja tu kati ya hayo, yaani Baraza la Mawaziri. Ni kweli kuwa ni tawi hilo ndilo lenye dhamana ya kuleta maendeleo, lakini ni kwa maagizo na idhini ya Bunge na au Baraza la Wawakilishi, mabaraza ambayo Rais Kikwete anataka kutuaminisha kuwa kazi yake ni kupiga kelele.

Ndio maana, kwa kuwa kazi ya mabaraza hayo si kupiga kelele bali kuisimamia serikali, kila mwaka matawi yanayoongozwa na Kikwete na Karume hupeleka bajeti zao Bungeni na Barazani na kuomba ziidhinishwe na wabunge na wawakilishi. Si Kikwete wala Karume anayeweza kukurupuka, chini ya utawala wa sheria, kwa mfano, akachota mapesa kutoka Hazina ya nchi akajenga barabara Pemba bila ya fedha hizo kuidhinishwa na kukubaliwa na Bunge, hata kama kujenga barabara kunaweza kuwa jambo la kimaendeleo kwa Pemba. Akifanya hivyo, kama ilivyotokezea kwa Akaunti ya Madeni ya Nje (EPA), utakuwa ni ufisadi wa kutumia madaraka vibaya.

Kwa hivyo, alichokisema Rais Kikwete ni nusu uongo na nusu ukweli na ndio maana viongozi wa CUF – kama walivyo watu wowote makini – wameguswa na sehemu hiyo ya uongo na wakamlaumu Kikwete.

Lakini tuende mbele zaidi katika kauli zake, maana kwa hakika hilo si pekee alilosema na kutukera wengi wetu. Alipokuwa Pemba alisema kwamba huenda wapinzani wasiingie kamwe madarakani na alipokuwa Unguja alisema kwamba yuko tayari kuendelea kuyalinda Mapinduzi. Kauli hizi zina maana kubwa kwa siasa za Zanzibar, maana zinaakisi hasa matashi na ‘Sera ya Muungano’ kuelekea Zanzibar. Ni kauli kongwe na ambazo kila zinapotolewa huwa na maana ile ile moja. Mkapa aliwahi kuzisema na matokeo yake ndiyo ya 2000, 2001 na 2005.

Kwa hakika hasa, tafsiri ya utayarifu wa kuyalinda Mapinduzi ni kuzuwia mchakato wowote wa kidemokrasia visiwani Zanzibar. Kuhakikisha kwamba CCM ndiyo inayotawala milele kwa gharama yoyote ile – kama kwa kutumia mauaji kama yale ya Januari 2001 au vikosi vya majeshi vyenye silaha nzito kutoka Bara na Janjaweed wa 2005. Kunamaanisha kuiweka Zanzibar ‘mahala’ pake kwa kiwango ambacho uhusiano baina ya Zanzibar na Tanzania Bara unahusika kupitia kivuli cha Muungano. Mahala hapo ni pale ambapo kiongozi wa Zanzibar lazima awe ni yule aliyeridhiwa na Tanzania Bara “kulinda maslahi ya Muungano”, kwa kutumia maneno ya Rais Mkapa.

Hili haliitii khofu CUF kama CUF tu, bali ni khofu ya Wazanzibari tulio wengi na ni khofu ya kila muumini wa uhuru wa mwanaadamu na maendeleo ya demokrasia. Tunajiuliza hivi nini maana ya uhuru wetu kama watu wa nchi hii? Tunajiuliza nini dhamira ya Wazanzibari kufanya Mapinduzi na kujitawala ikiwa mpaka leo tumedhibitiwa na kuhakikishiwa kwamba hatuwezi kufanya maamuzi kama sisi na maamuzi hayo yakasimama? Ni suala la uhuru wa kujiamulia wa Wazanzibari ndio uliopo hatarini hapa na si suala la CUF tu kutokuingia madarakani. Ni bahati mbaya sana kwamba CUF tu ndio ambao wamekuwa wakiongoza hisia za Zanzibar iliyo bora na huru zaidi kuliko ilivyo sasa, pamoja na kuwa ina sera nzuri sana ya Muungano.

Kuna hoja ya Profesa Issa Shivji katika kitabu chake Pan Africanism or Pragmatism, kinachoangalia Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar, kwamba matatizo ya kisiasa ya Zanzibar na kero za Muungano ni pande mbili za sarafu moja. Ni kauli kama hizi na utekelezaji wake, ndio unaofanya wengine tukaamini kuwa kiini cha matatizo ya Zanzibar hakipo Zanzibar, bali kipo Dodoma kwenye vichwa vya viongozi aina ya Kikwete ambao wanaamini kabisa kwamba kuidhibiti Zanzibar ndiko kudumisha Muungano.

Mwisho tuongelee nukta ya dhana ya maendeleo. Alichoambiwa na ambacho hata mimi naweza kumwambia Rais Kikwete ni kwamba hajui maana ya maendeleo. Labda ndio sababu wakati alipoulizwa na jarida moja la nje kwa nini Watanzania ni masikini, akasema hata yeye hajui kwa nini. Hajui kwa kuwa hajui tafauti baina ya kuendelea na kutokuendelea, baina ya umasikini na utajiri. Kama hujui tafauti hizo, bila ya shaka huwezi kujuwa sababu zake.

Hajui kwa kuwa maendeleo hayapimwi kwa kutokuendelea, maana mfano aliopiga kuwa kila baada ya kilomita tano pana kituo cha afya Zanzibar kinyume na Bara ambako ni kila baada ya makumi ya maili unaweza tu kutolewa na kiongozi asiyejua maana ya maendeleo. Ni kama kumwambia mgonjwa aliyezimia “Bora wewe afadhali maana huyu mwenzako keshakufa kabisa!”

Zanzibar kwa historia, jiografia na utajiri wake haiwezi kuambiwa imeendelea miaka 45 baada ya Mapinduzi kwa eti kuwa na vituo vya afya (ambavyo havina dawa) kila baada ya kilomita tano (ingawa huu ni utiaji chumvi tu) au kwa kuwa watoto wake wanakwenda skuli wanakojazana 150 kwenye darasa moja, wakiwa wamekaa chini na wanafundishwa na mwalimu asiye uwezo wala vitendea kazi!

Labda nimpe mfano mmoja unaonikumbushia machungu lakini unaopingana kabisa na kauli ya Kikwete kuwa sasa mtoto wa Kizanzibari hafi tena kutokana na malaria. Mwaka mmoja tu uliopita mimi na mke wangu tulipoteza mtoto wetu wa miezi sita katika hospitali ya Mnazi Mmoja, kwa sababu hiyo hiyo ya malaria na ukosefu wa huduma za uhakika katika hospitali hiyo kubwa ya serikali. Na ukweli ni kuwa sisi si wazazi pekee wa Kizanzibari ambao kichanga chetu kilitutoka mbele na kwenye mikono ya madktari wa Mnazi Mmoja ambao hawana vifaa wala uwezo. Ni bora Rais Kikwete asitukumbushe kilio matangani, maana hapatakuwa na wa kutunyamaza tukianza kulia!

Hata hizo barabara za ‘mgongo wa ngisi’ anazozisema Kikwete kwamba ni ishara ya maendeleo ni kituko zinapolinganishwa na zile zilizopo Bara. Barabara ya Mkoani-Chake, kwa mfano, ambayo haifiki hata kilomita 50, ni nyembamba mno kuweza kuiita barabara kuu kama ya Bagamoyo inayoelekea nyumbani kwa Kikwete. Kwa hakika barabara zote za Zanzibar, Unguja na Pemba, hata ziunganishwe hazifiki robo ya urefu wala ubora wa Barabara ya Morogoro. Nchi nzima ya Zanzibar ina taa za kuongezea gari sehemu mbili tu – Mkunazini na Malindi, na hivyo vipande vyake vya barabara havina mitaro kama zilizvyo hata barabara za mitaa ya Ilala.

Ukweli ni kwamba Zanzibar inarudi nyuma kimaendeleo na hayo ni matokeo ya uongozi usio na misheni wala visheni ya kuiongoza Zanzibar. Saikolojia na falsafa nzima ya uongozi wa CCM kwa Zanzibar haina tafauti hata kidogo na ya Israel kwa Palestina au ya Marekani kwa Iraq. Kwa hakika, hivyo ndivyo hasa alivyosema Mkapa mwaka 2005 alipoulizwa sababu ya serikali yake kushusha vikosi vya kijeshi vyenye silaha nzito nzito visiwani Zanzibar: “Kwani vikosi vya Marekani vinafanya nini kule Iraq?” Ndivyo alivyojibu; na huo ndio ukweli wenyewe.