Zanzibar Daima

Na Habel Chidawali, Dodoma

 

Bunge la Jamhuri ya Muungano jana lilianza kwa kukumbana na swali lililokumbusha mjadala wa kasoro za Muungano wakati mbunge wa jimbo la Mkanyageni alipohoji sababu za nafasi ya mkuu wa majeshi kutoenda kwa wananchi wa visiwa hivyo tangu Zanzibar na Tanganyika ziungane.

 

Swali hilo lilifuatiwa na swali moja la nyongeza, lakini mpangilio wa hoja zake ulionekana wazi kuhoji sababu za Wazanzibari kutopewa nafasi hiyo nyeti katika usalama wa nchi kwa takriban miaka 34 ya Muungano.

 

Katika swali lake, Mnyaa, ambaye ni wa Chama cha Wananchi (CUF) alitaka kujua sifa za Mkuu wa Majeshi (CDF) na kuhoji sababu za nafasi hiyo kutopewa Mzanzibari tangu Muungano uliokuwa mwaka 1964.

 

Mnyaa pia aliitaka serikali kubainisha wazi juu ya sifa za kielimu, nidhamu au vigezo vingine vinavyotumiwa na rais kumpata mtu mwenye sifa za kuliongoza jeshi hilo sambasamba na mkuu wa mafunzo na utendaji, COT, na mnadhimu mkuu na mkuu wa wafanyakazi, CP.

 

Katika swali lake la nyongeza, Mnyaa aliomba serikali kutamka wazi iwapo hakuna mtu kutoka Zanzibar mwenye sifa za kuwa kiongozi katika moja ya nafasi hizo na kueleza sababu za Wanzibari kutopewa nyadhifa hizo kama wana uwezo unaotakiwa.

 

Akijibu swali hilo Naibu Waziri wa Ulinzi na Jeshi la Kujenga Taifa, Dk. Emmanuel Nchimbi alikiri kuwa ni kweli katika kipindi hicho hakuna mkuu wa majeshi nchini aliyewahi kutokea katika visiwa vya Zanzibar.

 

Alisema kuwa suala la kuona kuwa ni nani angefaa kuwa kiongozi wa majeshi hayo ni suala la Rais wa Jamhuri ya Muungano hivyo yeye ndiye anayeona mwenye sifa za kufaa kuwa mkuu wa majeshi na kwamba wakati halazimishwi kumchagua mtu yeyote kwa shinikizo.

 

Waziri Nchimbi alilieleza bunge kuwa kwa kuwa jeshi ni taaluuma, sifa za maendeleo ya utumishi kama vile kiwango cha elimu ya jumla, elimu ya jeshi na tabia na mwenendo na uwezo wa uongozi wa kijeshi, hasa nidhamu ni baadhi ya mambo yanayomfanya mtu kuteuliwa kushika wadhifa huo.

 

Tangu uhuru, Tanzania imeshaongozwa na marais wanne tofauti, lakini wote wamekuwa wakiteua wananchi wa Tanzania Bara kushika wadhifa huo.

 

Mkuu wa kwanza wa jeshi alikuwa Meja Jenerali Mirisho Sarakikya, ambaye aliongoza kwa kipindi cha kuanzia mwaka 1964 hadi 1974 na akafuatiwa na Luteni Jenerali Abdallah Twalipo (1974-1980) na baadaye Jenerali David Musuguri (1980-1988), Jenerali Ernest Kiaro (1988-1994).

 

Waliofuatia ni Jenerali Robert Mboma aliyeongoza jeshi kuanzia mwaka 1994 hadi 2002, Jenerali George Waitara (2002-2007) na wa sasa ni Davis Mwamunyange (2007).

 

Waziri Nchimbi aliongeza kuwa uwezo wa kumudu kuongoza na kuwafunza wafuasi pia ni sifa pekee za kumshawishi rais aone umuhimu wa kumteua mtu huyo kuongoza jeshi na alisisitiza kuwa hizo ni sifa, lakini hazimlazimishi rais kufanya uteuzi huo.

 

Nchimbi aliongeza kuwa maafisa wakuu wa jeshi hupata mafunzo maalumu kama kozi za ukamanda na unadhimu, kozi ya ulinzi kwa makamanda wa juu, kozi ya kivita na kozi ya

ulinzi wa kivita ambavyo kwa pamoja vinaweza kumuongezea mtu sifa ya kufikiriwa katika uteuzi wa rais.

 

Kuhusu hoja ya kuitaka serikali kutamka kama hakuna Mzanzibari mwenye sifa za kushika wadhifa huo nyeti, Waziri Nchimbi alisema pindi atakapopatikana mtu mwenye sifa hizo kutoka Zanzibar, rais hatakuwa na kigugumizi cha kumteua ashike cheo chochote kati ya hivyo vilivyoombwa na kuulizwa na mbunge na kwamba hilo halina ubaguzi.

 

Swali hilo ni moja tu ya maswali mengi ambayo Wazanzibar wamekuwa wakihoji katika Serikali ya Muungano.

 

Waliwahi kuhoji sababu za visiwa hivyo kutopewa nafasi ya kushika wadhifa wa gavana wa Benki Kuu tangu mwaka 1964 wakati Muungano ulipoanza baada ya kuona Wabara wakibadilishana katika serikali za awamu zote nne.

 

Pia wamekuwa wakitaka Wazanzibari wapewe nafasi zaidi kwenye wizara zilizo chini ya Muungano, hasa wizara ya fedha ambayo wamekuwa wakiambulia unaibu waziri tu.

 

Nafasi pekee ya uwaziri ambayo wamekuwa wakiishikilia kwa muda mrefu ilikuwa ya Waziri wa Mambo ya Ndani.

 

Swali hilo limekuja katika kipindi ambacho kumeibuka maswali mengi kuhusu Muungano, huku Zanzibar ikililia hadhi yake ya kuwa nchi, kilio ambacho kilizimwa baada ya Rais Jakaya Kikwete kutoa ufafanuzi katika kikao kilichopita cha Bunge.

 

• Zanzibar ni nchi ndani na nje ya Tanzania
• Hatukuchanganya utaifa bali uraia
• Mjadala haujafungwa, bado unaendelea
• Zanzibar daima…jana, leo na kesho

Na Mohammed Khelef Ghassani

Kuelekea uvamizi wa Uingereza na Marekani dhidi ya Iraq, mwaka 2003, waandamanaji waliokuwa wakipinga uvamizi huo jijini London walibeba bango linalosomeka: “No, Blair. Not in our name!”

Waandamaji hawa walikuwa wakimkana aliyekuwa Waziri Mkuu wao, Tony Blair, ambaye alikuwa ameshirikiana na Rais wa Marekani, George Bush, kushinikiza kwamba uvamizi huo ungelikuwa ni kwa maslahi ya kiulinzi na kiusalama si kwa mataifa yao tu, bali pia kwa dunia. Walikuwa wakipeleka ujumbe wao kwamba wao – kama Waingereza – hawampi idhini ya kufanya uvamizi huo.

Hata hivyo, Blair hakusikia. Akaiingiza Uingereza vitani, vita ambavyo hadi sasa vinaendelea vikiwa na hasara kubwa ya kijamii. kisiasa na kiuchumi kwa Iraq, Uingereza, Marekani na kwa ulimwengu mzima. Na yeye mwenyewe, Blair, sasa si tena Waziri Mkuu maana alilazimika kuondoka madarakani kabla ya wakati wake kumalizika kwa kile kinachoaminika kuwa ni dhima yake kwenye uvamizi huo. Blair aliiaibisha hishima ya Uingereza!

Mimi leo naandika kama muandamanaji katikati ya kundi la maelfu ya Wazanzibari wenzangu nikiwa nimeshikilia bango linalosomeka: “No Nahodha, not in our name!” Ndiyo, Wazanzibari tunaandamana; na lengo la maandamano haya ya amani ni kulikana tamko la Serikali ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar (SMZ) lililotolewa na Waziri Kiongozi wake, Shamsi Vuai Nahodha, kwenye Baraza la Wawakilishi Ijumaa Oktoba 24, 2008. Tunalikana kwa kuwa haliwakilishi mtazamo wetu, Wazanzibari, halina maslahi nasi na, kwa hivyo, tumeameamua kutokulitambua. Natazamia kuwa, kama walivyofanya Waingereza, na sisi tutaiadhibu serikali hii kwa kutuendea kinyume!

Katika tamko lake, SMZ kupitia Waziri Kiongozi Nahodha, inasema kwamba inakubaliana moja kwa moja na kauli ya Rais Jakaya Kikwete aliyoitoa Bungeni Agosti 21, 2008, ambayo iliitaja Zanzibar kama nchi ndani ya mipaka ya Tanzania, lakini siyo nchi nje ya mipaka hiyo. Tamko linasema pia kwamba, kwa mujibu wa Mkataba wa Muungano, Zanzibar na Tanganyika (tamko linaitaja kama Tanzania Bara, ingawa mwaka huo hakukuwa na nchi yenye jina hilo) zilichanganya utaifa wake katika Muungano wa 1964 na hivyo katika uso wa kimataifa, kuna utambulisho wa Tanzania tu na sio wa Zanzibar wala wa Tanganyika. Tamko linasema, kwa hivyo, kauli hii ya Rais Kikwete inajitosheleza na hakuna haja ya kuongeza la ziada. Hilo ndilo tamko la SMZ!

Lakini, kama nishavyotanguliza kusema, hilo si tamko letu, Wazanzibari. Sisi, kwa wingi na umoja wetu, tunasema kwamba, pamoja na mapungufu ya kimuundo na kikatiba, nchi yetu ni nchi ndani ya mipaka ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania na nje ya mipaka hiyo kwa yale mambo yote yasiyokuwa ya Muungano. Hili ndilo tamko letu.

Kwa nini hatulitambui tamko la SMZ na kwa nini tutoe tamko letu wenyewe? Kwa uchache, sisi Wazanzibari tuna sababu tatu za kutokulitambua tamko la SMZ. Ya kwanza ni kwa kuwa limedanganya kwa kusema kuwa Zanzibar na Tanganyika  zilisalimisha utaifa wake kwa Jamhuri ya Muungano na hivyo hakuna lolote kati ya mataifa hayo linalotambulika sasa kimataifa. Si kweli kwamba mwaka 1964 Zanzibar ilichanganya utaifa (nationality) wake na Tanganyika. Mkataba wa Muungano, ambao unatajwa na tamko hilo la SMZ kama kigezo cha hoja yake, hausemi hivyo. Badala yake tulichochangiana katika Muungano huu ni uraia (citizenship). Kwa tafsiri ya taifa, utaifa hauwezi kuchanganywa – au angalau tuseme kwa mfano wa kwetu, hatukutaka kuuchanganya.

Taifa ni eneo lenye mipaka inayotambulika na ambayo ndani yake muna watu wanaotambuliwa kwa utamaduni na historia yao kuwa wamoja. Zanzibar ilikuwa, imeendelea kuwa na itaendelea kuwa taifa kwa tafsiri hiyo; na Tanganyika hali kadhalika. Maana watu wa pande zote mbili, wanatambulika na wenyewe wanajitambua kwa tamaduni na historia zao. Wanauhisi uwapo (essence) wao na kuwapo (existence) kwao kama wao.

Tunajua kuwa pana tafauti katika kuzielezea hisia za utaifa kati ya Watanganyika na Wazanzibari. Kutokana na sababu ambazo sisi Wazanzibari tunazitilia shaka, Watanganyika wengi hawako wazi kuhusu Utanganyika wao. Hata wanapofanya sherehe za Uhuru wa 1961, husema kwamba wanaadhimisha siku ya uhuru wa Tanzania! Lakini Tanzania haikuwapo mwaka 1961. Tanzania haijawahi kutawaliwa na hivyo haijawahi kupata uhuru! Sisi Wazanzibari tuko wazi panapohusika utaifa wetu. Tunazisema waziwazi hisia zetu na hatutafuni maneno kwamba sisi ni Wazanzibari na tunataka tuendelee kubakia hivyo.

Sababu ni kuwa utaifa ni hisia za kujinasibisha na watu na mahala fulani – kile wanachokiita Waingereza feelings of belongingness – na hisia hizo mahala pake ni katika nyoyo za watu. Hazichukuliki wala hazichanganywi kwa mbinu na hila kama hizi zilizomo kwenye Muungano huu, ambao kila ushahidi wa kihistoria unaonesha kuwa kuundwa kwake kulikusudiwa kuidhibiti Zanzibar na sio kushirikiana nayo kama mwenza mwenye haki sawa kwenye Muungano huu.

Dhana ya uraia ni tafauti na ya utaifa maana uraia unaweza kusanifiwa kwa hila za kisiasa na hata kijeshi na mwishowe ukawekewa mipaka ya kikatiba. Watu wa mataifa kadhaa ulimwenguni wameshawahi kutenzwa nguvu ili wakubali kuwa raia wa dola fulani. Historia imejaa mifano ya aina hiyo. Falme nyingi za Ulaya, kwa mfano, kabla ya mwaka 1640, zilijitanua na kulazimisha majirani zao kuzitii tawala zao na hivyo kuwafanya kuwa raia zao. Huo ndio mfano wa zilivyokuwa na kutanuka kwa dola za Ufaransa, Ujerumani, Ureno na Ugiriki kwa kutaja mifano michache. Kwa hivyo, uraia unaweza kulazimishwa – na kwa hakika mara nyingi ndivyo inavyokuwa – na dola yenye nguvu kwa watu wa mataifa dhaifu. Katika mfano unaokaribiana na huo, ndipo nasi tukachangiana uraia kwenye Muungano huu.

Hata hivyo, pamoja na ukungu wa shaka na shukuki uliotawala nia na dhamira iliyopo nyuma ya Muungano huu, sisi Wazanzibari tumeendelea – kwa miaka yote hii 44 – kuuhisi na kuukumbatia utaifa wetu wa Zanzibar, yaani Uzanzibari. Kwa hivyo, kwa mfano, mimi na hawa wenzangu tunaoandamana leo tunajitambulisha kwa utaifa wa Uzanzibari, japokuwa hatukatai kwamba kwa uraia sisi ni Watanzania. Kwa kufupisha maneno ni kwamba Uzanzibari wetu tumepewa na Mungu Muumba nchi na mataifa ya wanaadamu na uraia wetu tumepewa na Mkataba wa Muungano wa Sheikh Abeid Karume na Mwalimu Julius Nyerere kama unavyosomeka katika kifungu chake cha iv (f).

Sababu ya pili ya kutolitambua tamko la SMZ ni vile kujengwa kwake juu ya msingi wa hotuba ya Rais Kikwete ya Agosti 21 Bungeni, ambayo mara tu baada ya kuitoa tulisema kwamba ilikuwa imepotea njia. Kwa mfano, katika hotuba hiyo, Rais Kikwete aliitaja Tanganyika kuwa nayo ni nchi ndani ya mipaka ya Jamhuri ya Muungano kwa mambo yasiyokuwa ya Muungano, jambo ambalo si kweli katika udhahiri wake. Tanganyika haipo hata ndani ya mipaka ya Jamhuri hiyo, maana ni bunge la Tanganyika ndilo lililopitisha Azimio la kuifuta (?) mwaka 1964, siku chache tu baada ya kusainiwa kwa Makubaliano ya Muungano.

Kwa hivyo, hadhi ya Zanzibar (nchi iliyo hai) si kama hadhi ya Tanganyika (nchi mfu) katika Muungano huu. Si Mkataba wa Muungano wala Baraza la Mapinduzi, ambalo lilikuwa ndicho chombo cha juu cha kisheria kwa wakati huo kwa upande wa Zanzibar, lililoiua Zanzibar. Kwa hivyo, ikiwa tamko hili limejengwa juu ya msingi uliopotea, ni wazi nalo litakuwa limepotea na sisi hatuwezi kukubali tamko lililopotea liwe ndio mtazamo wetu.

Na sababu ya tatu ya kutokulitambua tamko la SMZ ni njia ambayo limewasilishwa kwetu. Baraza la Wawakilishi ndicho chombo pekee chenye madaraka makubwa ya kisiasa kwa Zanzibar na ambacho kinawakusanya Wazanzibari wa vyama vyote viwili vikubwa katika nchi ya Zanzibar. Kwa lugha ya kisiasa, tunaweza kusema kwamba Barazani humo ndimo Wazanzibari tunamowakilishwa kama Wazanzibari. Tamko hili limesomwa na mkuu wa shughuli za serikali Barazani, Waziri Kiongozi, katika siku ya mwisho na katika saa za mwisho za kikao cha Baraza hilo, ikijuilikana wazi kwamba wawakilishi wetu wasingelipata muda tena wa kulichangia.

Kwa nini SMZ ikafanya hivyo? Kwa sababu inajua kuwa hilo si tamko letu Wazanzibari na, hivyo, wawakilishi wetu wangelilipinga kwa nguvu zao zote kama vile walivyoipinga ile kauli ya Waziri Mkuu Mizengo Pinda iliyoitangaza nchi yetu kuwa si nchi. Ikiwa kuna chochote kilichopatikana kutokana na tamko hili la SMZ, basi, ni muakisiko wa khofu, woga na kutokujiamini ilikonako SMZ na ambako nako hitimisho lake ni kuwa serikali haituwakilishi sisi, Wazanzibari. Sisi tunakataa kuwa sehemu ya khofu na woga huu usiokuwa na maana, na hivyo tunakataa kulitambua tamko hili la SMZ. Tunasema “Not in our name!”

Baada ya kuyataja mapungufu hayo ya tamko la SMZ, sasa tuje kwenye ufafanuzi wa tamko hasa la Wazanzibari wenyewe, ambalo kama nilivyolitanguliza ni kuwa Zanzibar yetu ni nchi ndani ya mipaka ya Tanzania na nje ya mipaka ya Tanzania, kwamba sisi hatukuchanganya utaifa na Tanganyika na kwamba mjadala huu bado haujafungwa, na unaendelea.

Kwa nini Zanzibar iwe ni nchi? Jibu rahisi na la pekee ni kuwa hayo ndiyo matakwa ya sisi wenyewe, Wazanzibari, na ndivyo tulivyoyaeleza kupitia Katiba yetu – ambayo SMZ haina hiari ya kutokuifuata na kuiheshimu, maana viongozi wake waliapa kuilinda – na pia ndiyo matakwa ya msingi wa uhusiano huu baina ya Zanzibar na Tanganyika, yaani Mkataba wa Muungano. Mote muwili humo, Zanzibar inatambuliwa na inasimama kama nchi ndani ya mipaka ya Tanzania na nje ya mipaka hiyo kwa yale mambo yote yasiyokuwa ya Muungano.

Na, kwa hakika, kimsingi mambo hayo yasiyokuwa ya Muungano ni mengi – au yalitakiwa yawe mengi zaidi – ya hayo ya Muungano. Elimu ya msingi na kati, afya, miundombinu, maji, kilimo, uvuvi, mifugo, na mengineyo mengi, si ya Muungano; na kwayo Zanzibar ina haki na wajibu wa kuyasimamia na hivyo kujiwakilisha kwenye uso wa kimataifa kama Zanzibar inapoyazungumzia.

Ni bahati mbaya sana ikiwa uongozi wa Zanzibar umeshindwa kufanya hivyo huko nyuma na unashindwa kufanya hivyo sasa, lakini si kwamba ikijiwakilisha kama nchi kwenye masuala hayo Zanzibar itakuwa inakwenda kinyume na Makubaliano ya Muungano, ambayo ndiyo sheria kuu ya Muungano huu!

Kwa hivyo, Zanzibar ni nchi kwa kuwa ina sifa za kuwa nchi kwa maana ya nchi. Kwa kutumia maneno ya Ismail Jussa, nchi ni “eneo ambalo mipaka yake inafahamika, kwa Kiingereza wangeliita geographical area, ambayo ina wananchi wanaofahamika, population, na ina serikali ambayo inafanya kazi, yaani yenye madaraka – tunazungumzia hapa a functioning government.”

Zanzibar ina sifa hizo: ina eneo lake linalofahamika, kama lilivyoelezwa katika Ibara ya 2, kifungu kidogo cha 1 cha Katiba ya Zanzibar: “Eneo la Zanzibar ni eneo lote la visiwa vyote vya Unguja na Pemba na visiwa vidogo vidogo vilivyovizunguka na bahari yake, ambayo kabla ya Muungano ikiitwa Jamhuri ya Watu wa Zanzibar.” Zanzibar pia ina wananchi wake, ambao ni sisi Wazanzibari tunaoandamana hapa. Sisi tunajitambua kuwa ni wananchi wa nchi ya Zanzibar na tunaunganishwa na historia na utamaduni wetu. Na vile vile Zanzibar ina serikali inayofanya kazi – au ambayo ilitakiwa ifanye kazi – ya kulinda hadhi, heshima na mipaka ya Zanzibar na kuwaendeleza Wazanzibari. Ikiwa serikali iliyopo inatimiza au haitimizi jukumu hilo ni kitu cha mjadala, lakini nguvu hizo inazo na imepewa na Katiba yetu.

La kuwa Zanzibar yetu ni nchi, limo Tamko la Kuitangaza katiba yenyewe (Preamble), ambapo inasemwa: “Na kwa kuwa sisi, wananchi wa Zanzibar, tumeamua rasmi na kwa dhati kujenga katka nchi yetu jamii inayozingatia misingi ya haki, udugu na amani… tumeunda Katiba hii.”

Kwa hivyo, ikiwa tamko la SMZ linakubaliana na Rais Kikwete ambaye naye alikubaliana na Waziri Mkuu Pinda, basi sisi tunachukulia kuwa wote watatu (Pinda, Kikwete na SMZ) wamekosea. Alianza kukosea Pinda kwa kuitangaza Zanzibar si nchi akitumia Kifungu cha 1 cha Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano ambacho kinasema kwamba “Tanzania ni nchi moja na ni Jamhuri ya Muungano” bila ya kuzingatia Katiba ya Zanzibar, ambayo inaitangaza Zanzibar kuwa nchi yenye sifa zote za unchi. Akafuatia kukosea Kikwete kwa kumuunga mkono Pinda na kushadidia kuwa Zanzibar ni nchi kwa ndani na si nchi kwa nje. Na sasa imefuatia kukosea SMZ kwa kumuunga mkono Kikwete na kutokuheshimu Katiba yake yenyewe. Wote kwa pamoja, hoja yao inaporomoka kama mlima wa karata; na sisi tunakataa kuwa sehemu ya kuporomoka huko.

 

Tunasikitika sana kwamba SMZ, serikali yetu tuliyoipa dhamana ya kuilinda nchi yetu ya Zanzibar na katiba yake, imekubaliana na hoja ya Waziri Mkuu Pinda kuwa Katiba ya Jamhuri ya Muungano iko juu ya Katiba ya Zanzibar. Tunasikitika kwa kuwa hivyo si kweli. Ukweli ni kuwa Katiba zote mbili ziko sawa sawa, kila moja ikiongoza taasisi zake katika eneo lake na kwa mamlaka yake. Na juu ya yote, Muungano huu hautawaliwi na katiba hizi mbili, bali Mkataba. Kilichotakiwa kufanywa na Katiba hizi, kwa hivyo, kilikuwa ni kuutafsiri tu Mkataba wa Muungano na sio kuukosoa ama kuurekebisha. Na Mkataba wa Muungano umetangaza kuwepo kwa Jamhuri (republic) moja na sio nchi (country) moja. Kinachoifanya jamhuri kuwa jamhuri hakiizuii nchi kuwa nchi.

Mkataba haukuzifuta nchi za Zanzibar wala Tanganyika; na wala haziwezi kufutwa na Pinda, Kikwete wala Nahodha, maana kwa kuwa huu ni Mkataba wa Kimataifa, wanahitajika kuwepo wale wale waliokubaliana, ndio waufanyie marekebisho. Katika hali ya sasa ambapo Serikali ya Tanganyika inaambiwa kuwa haipo, maana yake ni kuwa tayari mwenza mmoja wa Mkataba huu hayupo na hivyo mabadiliko hayawezekani – kwa lugha ya kisheria.

Ikiwa hivyo ndivyo, basi ilivyovisema SMZ katika tamko lake sivyo na wala haviwakilishi ukweli unaotambuliwa na sisi, Wazanzibari, na basi tunakataa kujinasibisha na kosa lililofanywa na serikali iliyopo madarakani hivi sasa Zanzibar. Hatulitambuwi tamko la SMZ kwa kuwa si letu!

Nimalizie maandamano haya kwa kusisitiza mambo matatu. Kwanza, viongozi wa sasa wa SMZ wamejidhihirisha kwamba hawapo kwa maslahi ya Wazanzibari. Wamefeli kuilinda na kuitetea Katiba ya Zanzibar na hatima ya Uzanzibari. Kufeli huko, kwa hivyo, kunatupa Wazanzibari sababu ya kutosha ya kudhamiria kuwaondoa madarakani kwa kutumia njia tulizokubaliana katika taratibu na sheria zetu, yaani kura. Itakuwa aibu kwa Wazanzibari kuwarudisha tena viongozi hawa hawa katika uchaguzi wowote utakaofanyika kuanzia sasa. Badala yake tuwaweke madarakani watu ambao wana bwana mmoja tu wa kumtumikia, na bwana huyo awe ni sisi Wazanzibari. Tutafanya kosa la makusudi kuwaweka madarakani watu ambao wanaonekana kutumikia mabwana zaidi ya mmoja!

Pili, kwa kuwa hao waliopo sasa madarakani wametusaliti na wamezisaliti nguvu tulizowapa kusimama kwa ajili yetu na badala yake wamejawa na woga matumboni mwao, basi sisi Wazanzibari wenyewe tunapaswa kuwa imara zaidi sasa kuliko wakati mwengine wowote ule kuilinda na kuitetea Zanzibar yetu. Wakati umefika kwa Mzanzibari kujinasibisha na kujilindia kwa Uzanzibari wake. Tuungane pamoja na tusimruhusu tena adui kusimama katikati yetu na kutuchagulia namna ya kuangaliana wenyewe kwa wenyewe. Mpemba na Muunguja ndiye mmiliki wa Zanzibar na wasifitinishwe tena.

Na tatu, kwa kuwa tunapaswa kujilinda wenyewe kama Wazanzibari – bila kutegemea serikali iliyopo sasa madarakani – basi tusikubali hata kidogo kuuwa mjadala huu unaondelea wa hadhi na nafasi ya Zanzibar ndani na nje ya Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania. Licha ya kuwa Waziri Kiongozi amechagua kuibwaga mada hii kavu kavu na kuepuka kujadiliwa na wawakilishi wetu Barazani, sisi Wazanzibari huku nje ya Baraza tusikubali kufungwa kwa mjadala huu.

Mjadala upo wazi na tuendelee kuuchangia kwa maslahi ya Zanzibar yetu. Kwamba hatuwezi kuwa na Tanzania imara, kama tuna Zanzibar dhaifu. Mzanzibari hawezi kuipenda Tanzania ikiwa mapenzi yake kwa Zanzibar ni mapungufu. Zanzibar ndipo petu, wala hatuna pengine, katu asitudanganye mtu!

Hili ndilo tamko la Wazanzibari.

Zanzibar daima. Jana, leo na kesho.

 

 

 

By Khatib M. Rajab al-Zinjibari

Preamble

“Without any question, the manner and the implications of the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar is the most misunderstood aspect of Tanzania’s political development. It may not matter very much when foreigners get confused, but unfortunately there are many times when Tanzanians themselves appear to misunderstand it.”

Former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere.

Dar es Salaam Government Printer, July 1970. p. 3.

Introduction

When the former Tanzanian President Julius Kambarage Nyerere made the above address to his National Assembly that “the union between Zanzibar and Tanganyika is the most misunderstood aspects of Tanzanian’s political development” proved that he is the only Tanzanian who knows “the manner and the implications of the union” after British colonialism in East Africa.

During the British colonialism, Zanzibar was the only intellectual center for Islamization of East African countries under the Zanzibar Sultanate. The Gofu and the Barza Mosques allowed students from the East African countries for the Islamic education. The Zanzibar Muslim Academy also offered the greatest hope for the vibrancy of Islam in East Africa. Nyerere, a devout Catholic saw that the Islamic Zanzibar state, a threat to Christianity. He masterminded a clandestine movement for the so called Zanzibar Revolution under the leadership of John Okello, a radical Christian from Uganda. It was not only a prelude to the creation of Tanzania, but a continuation of crusade against Islam and extension of Christian colonialism.

The Influence of Zanzibar Empire

The Zanzibar Empire under the Sultanate stretched from Cape (Rãs) Asir in the Banadir coast of Somalia to the Ruvuma River at the Cape Delgado, and inland beyond the great lakes. In addition, its ruler held sway over all the south-eastern corner of Arabia. His influence stretched beyond even these extensive borders. At the time of the heyday of the Empire, Zanzibar became celebrated in the well-known saying that: “When you play flute at Zanzibar, all Africans as far as the Lakes (Tanganyika, Malawi and Victoria) dance.” This Zanj Empire has passed, but much of its influence remains. Swahili, identified as an Afro-Islamic language is one of the first seven most principal languages of the world. It has spread far and wide from Zanzibar to Congo, the former Zaire. In Southern Arabia, Western India and Madagascar, there are people who speak Swahili. Many of the Creoles in Mauritius and Reunion are of Zanzibar origin. Their language, though French in its vocabulary, is Swahili in its grammar. One may even hear in the Creole of Mauritius folk-lore similar to the Swahili of Zanzibar. It was recently in 1960’s that Tanganyika, Kenya and Uganda adopted Swahili as their national and political, but not the official language unlike Zanzibar. Its nationality was possible due to the non-ethnic identity of Swahili, according to some allegation. Therefore, Swahili is the language of Muslims in East Africa, similar to Arabic in the Muslim world. The Zanzibar Swahili, derived from the Sumerian dialect is the only language which has borrowed higher proportions of its vocabulary from Arabic than English has from Latin.

But soon after the demise of the Anglo-Dutch Colonialism in East Africa, Zanzibar was kept in isolation from the Muslim world since 1964 due to the fact that it was the only country in East Africa where the Islamic Law was the fundamental law of the country. Zanzibar was not only the most active opposition to aggressive encroachment of the Christian powers from Kenya to Tanganyika, but the intellectual center of Swahili culture and Islamic education in this African region. Former Principal of the Zanzibar Muslim Academy, Sheikh Sayyid bin Omar bin Abdullah bin Abu Bakr bin Salim (1917-1988), graduated from the Oxford University of London stated that the Zanzibar islands were instrumental in the penetration of the Shafi’i school to Tanganyika (Tanzania), Kenya and Uganda around the period of Abu Hamid Muhammad al-Ghazzali (1058-1111), a Professor of Nidhamiyãh Shafi’i Muslim Academy in Baghdad and disciple of Abdullah Muhammad Idriss al-Shafi’i (767-820), founder of Shafi’i School of Jurisprudence.

This can be substantiated by the globetrotter from Morocco Abu Abdullah ibn Muhammad ibn Abdullah ibn Muhammad ibn Ibrahim al-Zawati al-Tunzi (1304-1378), famous as Ibn Batuta who visited the East African Muslim islands, including Mombasa and Pemba, the two sister islands of Zanzibar. He explained the presence of Muslim community with Islamic Schools, scholars of Shafi’i Fiqh (Jurisprudence) and descendants of the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) in the East African islands. Sheikh Abdullah Saleh al-Farsy (1912-1982), an international historian and great ulama of Zanzibar has described some intellectual Shafi’i ulama of Zanzibar during the Sultanate, though it was under the British Colonialism. The Sultans used to send Shafi’i scholars to Tanganyika for its Islamization.

Islamization of Tanganyika

During colonialism, Islamization of Tanganyika started from Zanzibar where Sheikh Muhyddin bin Sheikh bin Abdullah al-Qahtany (1789-1869), the Chief Qadhi and Prime Minister of Zanzibar under Sultan Said bin Sultan (1806-1856) had numerous local students. Sheikh Muhyddin bin Sheikh Abdullah al-Qahtany authored many Arabic books, including Takãlibun al-Haruf, his famous one on nahw (grammar) which he taught this text at the Masjid al-Haramyn in Mecca, but his most popular book in the West is the redaction of the well known Kitãb as Sulwa fi Akhbar Kilwa (The History Book Concerning the Pleasure of Kilwa), first translated into English by S. Arthur Strong in 1875 under the title Arabic Kilwa Chronicle. But its Arabic version of Sheikh Muhyddin al-Qahtany was donated to the British Museum (Or. 2666) by John Kirk, a British colonialist in Zanzibar (1873-1887) during the reign of Barghash bin Said bin Sultan (1870-1888), whose first printing press in East Africa under the directorship of Sheikh Ali bin Khamis bin Salim bin Barwan (1852-1885) was used for the publication of al-Najah (The Success), Pan-Islamic newspaper which had a wide subscription outside Zanzibar to Algeria, Egypt, Oman and Libya.

Sheikh Muhyddin bin Sheikh bin Abdullah al-Qahtany had numerous students in Zanzibar similar to Sayyid Ahmad Abu Bakr al-Sumait (1861-11925) and Sheikh Abdullah Abu Bakr Bakathir (1860-1925), the two intellectual Shafi’i scholars in East Africa. One of their famous itinerant students was Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir bin Hassan al-Shirazy (1887-1986), a graduate of al-Azhar University. In Zanzibar, he studied under Sheikh Abdullah Amour al-Azry and Sheikh Abdul Rahman bin Mahmoud al-Washil Mngazija (1872-1936) as well as Sheikh Muhammad bin Ali Muhammaad al-Mandhri (1825-1895) and Sheikh Muhammad bin Abdulla bin Wazir, the first person who translated the Qur’an into Swahili language.

Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir bin Hassan al-Shirazy taught at Makunduchi, his birth place before Muyuni and Kiembe Samaki Primary Schools. He became a town clerk and later resigned for accepting a post of a Qadhi at Chake Chake in Pemba where he taught many students. Of his famous student was Sheikh Said bin Omar bin Abdullah bin Abu Bakr bin Salim (1917-1988), known as Sheikh Msaada. He graduated from the Oxford University and was the last Principal of the Zanzibar Muslim Acedemy. His other student was Sheikh Fattawi bin Issa bin Hassan bin Musa al-Shirazy (1900-1987), born at Makunduchi (South of Zanzibar) and was appointed the Qadhi at Mkokotoni (North of Zanzibar) at the age of sixteen under Sultan Khalifa bin Haroub bin Thuwein (1911-1960), and taught at Makunduchi for many years until he was appointed the Chief Qadhi. Sheikh Ameir bin Tajo bin Ameir al-Shirazy, also born at Makunduchi was one of the most political activist students of Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir and Sheikh Fattawi bin Issa. He was one of the founders of the Shirazi Association and the Zanzibar and Pemba People’s Party (ZPPP) and became the Chief Qadhi of Zanziabr after Sheikh Fattawi bin Issa.

Sheikh Hassan Ameir Hassan authored many books in both Swahili and Arabic, including Al-Iqd al-Iqyãn alã-Mawlid al-Jailãni which is used by the Qadriyyah Muslim Brotherhood throughout East Africa. He also taught and wrote several Islamic books at Zaire and Malawi as his teacher, Sheikh Abdullah bin Mjana bin Kheir, born at Mkokotoni in Zanzibar who also taught Zaire and Malawi. The first Muslim from Zanzibar to Malawi was Salim bin Abdullah, who lived at Nkotakota from 1840. He was given a title of Jumbe (chief) and encouraged the Yao and Chewa chiefs to send their sons and nephews to Zanzibar to study Islam. Although the Jumbeship was abolished by the British colonialists in 1895, Nkotakota is the strongest hold of Islam in Malawi until today, predominantly by Yao and Chewa.

Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir bin Hassan al-Shirazy was the instrumental figure for Islamization and political movement in Tanganyika under the auspices of the Zanzibar-based Qadriyyah Muslim Brotherhood. According to Professor August H. Nimtz, he was “the most popular teacher in terms of students in Tanzania.” He left Zanzibar in 1940 for Dar es Salaam, where he built his patronized Islamic School, Madrãsatul al-Shiraziyyah (The Shirazy School) at the Comorian Mosque. He founded the Daw’at al-Islamiyyãh (Invitation to Islam) and a member of the Jamiyyãt al-Islamiyyãh fi Tanganyika (Tanganyika Muslims Association) founded in 1934 by Kleist Sykes and advisor of the East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS), founded in 1945.

Crusade after Independence

It was not until recently when the study of Islam in East Africa has attracted much attention of contemporary scholars. But most of them neglect the Crusades against Islam in East Africa, and Zanzibar in particular. It is neglected because such a religious conflict seems to belong to the Middle East; despite the Crusade against Islam is ecumenical imperative in any Muslim country, including Zanzibar. In case of the Catholic Crusade in Zanzibar, Nyerere worked hand in glove with Oscar Kambona, his close confidante and schoolmate at the Edinburgh University, where in 1910, the Second World Conference of Churches (WCC) discussed the threat to Islam in East Africa. It was unanimously agreed that an African Christian is better (for leadership) than an African Muslim. Every sort of assistance was therefore given to Nyerere in order to combat Islam in East Africa after the demise of the British Colonialism.

When Tanganyika gained its independence in 1961, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, Milton Obote of Uganda and Julius Nyerere of Tanganyika had a Summit Meeting at Nairobi on June 5, 1963. In this conspiracy of the Christian leaders, Zanzibar was neither represented nor mentioned in this Summit. These leaders unanimously pledged their selfish regional Declaration under the spirit of Pan-Africanism:

“We (Nyerere, Obote and Kenyatta), the leaders of the people and Governments of East Africa (i.e. Tanganyika, Uganda and Kenya)…pledge ourselves to the political federation of East Africa and we are prompted by the spirit of Pan-Africanism, and not by mere selfish regional interests. (p. 1).

When Zanzibar gained independence on December 10, 1963 from the British government, it became a member of the Commonwealth nations. It joined the United Nations on December 16, 1963 and was represented by Hilal bin Muhammed bin Hilal. But when the new Zanzibar Government declared to form the model of the Islamic State, it was orchestrated by Afro-Christian Crusaders as reincarnation of Arabisation and revivalism of Islamization. They invaded Zanzibar in the midnight of January 11, 1964 under the self-appointed “Field Mashal” John Okello, a militant Christian from Uganda. The objective of the Zanzibar revolution was a Crusade against Islam as Okello stated in his book entitled Revolution in Zanzibar that God appointed him to make revolution for the sake of Christianity. He then quoted the following Biblical passage for his justifications:

Go now, you rich men, weep and howl for your miseries that shall come upon you! Your riches are corrupted, and your garments are moth-eaten. Your gold and silver is cankered, and rust of them shall be a witness against you, and shall eat your flesh as if were fire. You have reaped down your fields in cries of them which have reaped are entered into ears of the Lord of Sabbath. You have lived in pleasure on the earth and been wanton. You have nourished your hearts as in a day of slaughter. You have not, you kill and desire to have and can’t obtain fight and war, yet you have not asked, and receive not, because you ask amiss, that you consume it upon your lusts (James 5:1-6).

Okello also said that his “Freedom Fighters” came from Tanganyika, Kenya, Uganda, Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Nyasaland (Malawi) and Mozambique. They killed 13,635 Muslims and 21,462 were detained. He failed to tell us that his Zanzibar Revolution under the auspices of Nyerere, reminiscent of the Spanish Inquisition which led to the last stronghold of the Muslim State in Spain. On January 11, 1964 Okello commanded the Crusaders that all Arabs (Muslims) between the age of 18 and 55 must be killed. In the next day, the Muslim holocaust began when Okello said in the Radio Zanzibar the following:

“I am Fidel Marshal! Okello! You imperialists, there is no longer an imperialist government on this Island. This is now the government of the Freedom Fighters. Wake up you black men. Let everyone of you take a gun and ammunition and start to fight against any remnants of imperialism in these islands.” (p. 143).

In the same morning, Okello issued an ultimatum to Jamshid bin Abdullah bin Khalifah bin Haroub (1963-1964), the Zanzibar Sultan: “You are allowed twenty minutes to kill your children and wives and then kill yourself.” (p. 145) but he escaped through Mombasa, Kenya. The mainland Africans’ support to overthrow the Zanzibar Government was due to the fact that the Crusaders had a large number of modern arms from Kenya and or Tanganyika from where 600 Crusaders invaded Zanzibar Keith Kyle, a British correspondent for East Africa in his articles in the Spectator of entitled “Gideon’s (Okello) Voices” (February 7, 1964) and “How it Happened” (February 14, 1964) said that “certain (Christian) members of the Tanganyika Government were involved in Revolution” (Crusade) of Zanzibar.

It is known that the holocaust was so horrendous that 100 Muslims were baked to death in tanuri (the copra-kiln) at Bambi. Following the Muslims holocaust, Abeid Karume (1905-1972), born in Nyasaland (now Malawi) became the President of the People’s Republic of Zanzibar. Karume secretly collaborated with the former Tanganyikan President Nyerere, an Islamophobic for the merger of Zanzibar and Tanganyika. Similar situation took place in Mindanao; an Islamic State founded by Sultan Sayyid bin Abu Bakr al-Hadhramy over 400 years before the ascendancy of the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines and Tanganyika.

From Mindanao to Zanzibar

One day after the Crusade in Zanzibar, the Kenyan African National Union (KANU) Youth Wingers held an emergency meeting in Nairobi. In this meeting, “a unanimous resolution was passed hailing the overthrow of the Zanzibar regime.” This was followed by the two-days Kenyan Cabinet Ministers, summoned to the Prime Minister’s Office. It was attended by the Tanganyikan Minister for External Affairs, Oscar Kambona, a member of the World Council of Churches, and the Ugandan Minister of State, Magezi, while the Kenyan Minister of State and Foreign Affairs, Joseph Marumbi was in touch with Zanzibar by telephone. He collaborated with Edington Kisasi, a Catholic from Moshi in Tanganyika who was the Zanzibar Superintendent of Police installed by the British and he became the first Police Commissioner after the Crusade in Zanzibar. Also attended the Cabinet meeting to discuss the aftermath of Crusade was the British High Commission in Kenya, the British Forces in Kenya, and the Inspector-General of Police, R.C. Cating.

Within the first hundred days after the Catholic Crusade in Zanzibar, Nyerere collaborated with eminent Christian leaders in East Africa and imperialistic powers for the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar. This Christian conspiracy was so important that the US government under President Lyndon B. Johnson (1963-1969) accorded Zanzibar a top priority in the US foreign policy, next to Vietnam and Cuba. William Attwood, the then US ambassador in Kenya said that “the Western powers prepared a contingency plan in case the Union would fail…and (after the union), the laws of Tanganyika would become supreme to round up (Muslim) radicals in Zanzibar.” Also the US Secretary of State, Dean Rusk appealed that “it is essential for Nyerere to be given the maximum support from the West.” Therefore, when Nyerere went to Zanzibar on April 22, 1964 to pressure Karume for the union with Tanganyika, he had already dispatched his soldiers to Zanzibar on January 13, 1964 with ammunition allegedly for security reasons, after consultation with Okello. Martin Bailey quoted Nyerere when he addressed the mass rally at Dar es Salaam on November 15, 1964:

“We sent our police to Zanzibar. After overcoming various problems we united. We ourselves voluntarily agreed on union. Karume and I met. Only the two of us met. When I mentioned the question of the union Karume did not even give it a second thought. He instantly asked me to call a meeting of the press to announce our intention. I advised him to wait a bit as it was too early for the press to be informed.” (p. 31).

This is a clear testimony that the union of Zanzibar and Tanganyika was the creation of Karume, a racist dictator nominal Muslim from Nyasaland (Malawi) and Nyerere, an autocratic devout Christian from Tanganyika. And consequently, Zanzibar has lost her strong Islamicity and sovereignty to Tanganyika since April 26, 1964 when the dictator Karume, signed the Articles of the Union, drafted by British expatriates, Attorney General Roland Brown and Chief Parliamentary Draftsman, P.R.N. Fifoot, to form Tanzania under the clique of the Christian Church Movement (CCM) of Tanganyika. The Constitution drafted by the British colonialists was unilaterally used by the Tanganyikan Government as the Interim Constitution of Tanzania, did not contain freedom of religion as independent clause to the detriment of the Islamic State of Zanzibar. Professor David Westerlund has pointed out that:

“In such a religiously divided country, the issue of religion was a sensitive one, and in 1965 the situation was no different from 1961 in this respect. In fact, it could be argued further that it was even more sensitive after the revolution in Zanzibar in 1964, when the Arab sultan was overthrown and the Islamic State of Zanzibar ceased to exist. This change constituted a serious blow to those Muslims…” (p. 90).

A similar situation of ethnic cleansing and the holocaust that went with it, was attempted to turn Bosnian Muslims into the Christians, and bring Bosnia-Herzegovina into the “Greater Serbia” under the Greek Orthodox Serbs or “Greater Croatia” under the Roman Catholic Croats since 1941. The same experiment was successfully conducted by the Catholics to the Mindanao Muslims. They were forcibly merged with the Philippines in 1946 by the American government “to civilize and Christianize the Muslims” as said by William McKinley, the assassinated US President (1891-1901) who had invaded the Philippines and the Mindanao islands. After the merger, the Muslims were considered outcasts in their own land and establishment of the Catholic Churches was encouraged but the Muslim world seemed to have lost its sense of history and treat the problems of Mindanao as if it were purely internal affairs of the Philippines and as if the Muslims were always ruled by a Catholic establishment.

The geopolitical limbo between Zanzibar and Tanganyika is a continuation of Christian colonialism under the clique of Catholic leadership. As in the Philippines, where thousand of Catholics were sent in exodus to overpopulate the Muslims in Mindanao, the Catholics in Tanganyika are sent to overpower the Muslims in Zanzibar. They worked to remove any immigration restrictions from Tanganyika to Zanzibar as done by Catholics from the Philippines to Mindanao islands. Similar to the Muslim legacy in the Mindanao, Christianization of Zanzibar islands in the next millennium, will be the greatest achievement of Nyerere and the history of the Catholic Church Movement (CCM) in Tanzania at large, and Africa in general.

Nyerere on Islam in Zanzibar

It appears that Nyerere is one of the best known political figures, but the least understood of African leaders. Millions of Africans, who struggled for liberation from the Western imperialism, believed that Nyerere is the supreme theoretician and practitioner of the African Liberation. Others considered him as the man who committed himself and the resources of his country to rid the African continent from the hegemony of European colonialism and apartheid, sponsored by the Dutch Reformed Church, the major evils of Western imperialism in the African history. According to some political philosophers, Nyerere is the most outstanding political guru, thinker, writer and spokesmen in Africa and the chief architect of socialism in Tanzania, branded as “Romantic Tanzaphilia” by Professor Ali A. Mazrui.

In the Euro-Christian parlance, Nyerere was a serious bulwark against what was believed as Communism in Zanzibar. This was concorted and by the American Government. because the book, US Foreign Policy and Revolution: the Creation of Tanzania by Amrit Wilson revealed some official US documents, including from the CIA that regarded Nyerere as the only “responsible” African leader to suppress (Islam in) Zanzibar which was erroneously equated with communism during the Cold war. Before the creation of Tanzania in 1964, Nyerere was frequently heard and so quoted that he wished he could tow out Zanzibar into the Indian Ocean, if he can. Tanzania received more Western aid per capita than any other African country. But to many Islamists in Zanzibar, Nyerere is a devout Catholic and Crusader against Islam in Zanzibar though it was only recently that the book “The Course of Islam in Africa” by Mervyln Hiskett indicated that the Union was imposed by Nyerere for Crusade against Islam in Zanzibar:

“Union was imposed on the Muslims of Zanzibar by Nyerere, a militant Christian and his henchmen Okello against the will of the Zanzibari people, and that has been followed by a deliberate campaign to extinguish the Islamic character of Zanzibar under a secular constitution.” (p. 170).

This started after Nyerere had expelled the active Tanganyikan Muslims from their executive leadership of TANU; he exerted his efforts for intervention of the Muslims in Zanzibar. He first manipulated Abeid Amani Karume (1905-1972), born in Nyasaland (Malawi) who was the President of the African Association (AS) but his party was not formed for the independance of Zanzibar. Because they stated in their AFRIKA KWETU (Afrika is Our Home), the official mouthpiece of the African Association:

“We wish to assure all the so called Zanzibaris that anything short of an African state will never be accepted when self-government is achieved in this Protectorate. We are also opposed to multi-racial government in these islands. It is against all this Association stands for. We want Zanzibar to become an African state like the Gold Coast.” (Afrika Kwetu, May 5, 1955).

Nyerere manipulated Abeid Karume to merge the African Association (AA), a surrogate of Tanganyikan Association (TAA) under Nyerere, with the Shirazi Association (SA), whose President was Thabit bin Kombo bin Jecha al-Shirazy (1904-1988), a Muslim born at Kizimkazi in Zanzibar. Nyerere formed Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) on February 5, 1957 but under Karume. Consequently in 1960, Sheikh Muhammad bin Shamte bin Hamad al-Shirazy, a school Principal born at Chambani, Pemba and Sheikh Ameir Tajo Ameir al-Shirazy, formed the Zanzibar and Pemba Peoples’ Party (ZPPP) whose Secretary General was Abdullah Amour Suleiman al-Shirazy, born at Pemba. He was the editor of Mwangaza (The Light), the mouthpiece of the ZPPP, believed as the sole party for the indigenous Muslims in the Zanzibar and Pemba.

Orientalists emphasize the differences between the Africans and Arabs but ignore the impact of Islam, which is so strong in Zanzibar politics that led the coalition of the ZPPP and Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) in 1961, after the ASP had failed to win the support of the ZPPP to form a coalition force for the so called African independence. Following their discussion with Sheikh Ameir Tajo Ameir and the ZNP delegates flew to Pemba for discussion with Sheikh Muhammad Shamte Hamadi. Other delegates were Sheikh Miraji Shaalab, Abdul Rahman Muhammad Babu, Sheikh Maalim Hilal and Sheikh Ali Muhsin.

Nyerere ruled for twenty eight years (1961-1989) as the President and the Chairman of the ruling party in Tanzania. During his chauvinistic and autocratic leadership, the Rev. Frank Schildknecht, a White Father who monitored all the Muslim activities throughout the African continent for the Roman Catholic Church sent a report in July 1963 to the Pope at the Vatican City that the East African Muslim Welfare Society (EAMWS) is becoming stronger and constitute a threat to the future of Christianity for spreading Islam. The EAMWS built several mosques, dispensaries and twenty three schools throughout the East African countries. It also The proposed to build the first Muslim University in Zanzibar, similar to the Beirut University to produce local Muslim professionals. On February 25, 1965, Nyerere banned the Muslim Education Union which was founded to train Muslims who were not allowed into the government primary schools. He also banned the EAMWS in 1968 with following short statement:

“The Minister of Home Affair has by command of the President (Julius Nyerere) declared the Tanzania Branch of the East African Muslims Welfare Society (EAMWS) and Tanzania Council of the East African Muslim Welfare Society to be unlawful societies under the provisions of section 6(1) of the Societies Ordinance.” (The Standard, December 20, 1968).

The advisor of the EAMWS, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir al-Shirazy, was arrested and deported to Zanzibar. The Jamiyãt al-Islãmiyyah fi Tanganyika, which focused on the pressing educational needs of Muslims in Tanganyika was also banned in 1970 in the gist of secularism of education, before the government expressed its hostility in 1973 that only adults could perform Hajj (pilgrimage) to Saudi Arabia and only once in their life time. Some Christians are hostile to Hajj because it is used for the enhancement of the global Muslim Brotherhood and enrichment of the Islamic education among the pilgrims.

Nyerere’s vicious Crusade against Zanzibar to join the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC), was unprecedented. His government suggested in 1988 to change the name of Dar es Salaam (The House of Islam), the capital of Tanzania where the Popal Office is represented for the African continent. But hostility to Islam was manifested on May 7, 1988 during the Conference of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi (The Party of Revolution) at Dodoma. Under his Chairmanship in the Conference, the Chama Cha Mapinduzi suggested the abrogation of Islamic Law in Tanzania, though 65% of its population is Muslim. This political crusade under the auspices of the rulimg party, triggered a mammoth demonstration in Zanzibar on May 9, 1988 by Muslim youth after the Juma’a (Friday) prayers during the month of Ramadhãn.

While the Muslims protested and demanded restoration of the Islamic State in Zanzibar, a massive police contingent, armed with clubs, tear gas and guns attacked the protesters. In the shooting, Ali Mansour Ali, active member of the Dãwat al-Islamiyyãh, was martyred. One of the protesters died the following day in the General Hospital among other hundred who were hospitalized but scores, including female Islamists were accused of “inciting” instability against secularism. It was imposed by Nyerere in 1979 when he addressed some Muslims at the Beit al-Ajaib (The House of Wonders) in Zanzibar.

Adding the fuel to the fire, the police arrested four ulama, including Sheikh Nassor bin Ali, imam of the Kikwajuni Mosque. They were accused of being the instigators of the demonstration because shortly after of theirKhutba (sermon) in the Muslim youths mass demonstration protesting the blantant suggestion for the abbrogation of Islamic Law in Tanzania. After the mass demonstration, Seif Shariff Hamad, the then charismatic Chief Minister of Zanzibar (1984-1988), famous for being outspoken and his sentiments were linked with Islam, was sacked with his six colleagues; namely Soud Yusuf Mgeni, Minister for Agriculture and Livestock Development as well as member of the National Executive Committee (NEC) of the ruling party of CCM. Others were Hamad Rashid Muhammad, union Deputy Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Affairs, Suleiman Seif Hamad, Deputy Speaker of Zanzibar House of Representative, Khatib Hassan Khatib, Member of Parliament, Shaaban Khamis Mloo, Member of House of Representative, Ali Haji Pandu, Member of House of Representative and Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism also former Chief Justice and Masoud Omar Said, Minister of Education. Ali Saleh, a freelance journalist who informed the BBC about the Muslim protest in Zanzibar against abrogation of Islamic Law in Tanzania, was thrown into jail and more Christian soldiers were sent to contain the Muslim “fundamentalists” in Zanzibar.

This was accordance with recommendation of the American CIA for the creation of Tanzania. It was recommended by William Attwood, the then US ambassador in Kenya that “the Western powers prepared a contingency plan in case the Union would fail…and (after the union), the laws of Tanganyika would become supreme to round up (Muslim) radicals in Zanzibar.”

The situation was aggravated by the Crusadic visit to Zanzibar in March 1989 of Nyerere, whose well publicized speeches called for tougher repressive measures against what he described as “dissidents” in Zanzibar, where Islamists interpreted his visit and speeches as a CCM conspiracy against Islam. As interpreted, his visit led to massive arrests of leading public figures, including Seif Shariff Hamad, who was jailed for allegedly being in possession of secret government documents. He was then purportedly rumored by the CCM on charge of being foreign agent and adui (enemy) of the Union though many young Islamists in Zanzibar extolled him as shujaa (hero) and charismatic leader. He was released in 1991 due to pressure from the Amnesty International.

Prior to his prominence in Zanzibar, Seif Shariff was so active in Islamic movement that he had served as the president of Muslim Students Association of the University of Dar es Salaam (MSAUD), and he worked with Professor Muhammad Hussein Malik, an Islamist from Pakistan who came to Dar es Salaam in 1964. Both Islamists had played a formative role in the ideological development of Muslim Youths in Tanganyika and formed Workshop ya Waandishi wa Kiislamu (Muslim Writers Workshop) in 1975. It was unprecedented that Professor Muhammad was forced to leave Tanzania.

When Seif Shariff returned to Zanzibar, he challenged the status quo and became the most favored leader of the opposition party, the Civic Union Front (CUF) in Zanzibar for the 1995 general election in Tanzania, the last East African country to reluctantly accept the inevitable of multi-partism for power sharing. The state control media favors the CCM which received TShs. 250m (£330,000.00) for her campaign, while the CUF was given only TShs. 1.5m (£1,562.00). Members of the electoral commission are predominantly Christians and some are apologetic to Christianity or puppets of Nyerere who is pathologically opposed to any Islamic leadership for the betterment of the Christian Church Movement in Tanzania.

The Catholic Church Movement

Jan P. van Bergen’s book quoted Nyerere by saying that the interest of his (Roman) Church came first, and would never go against his Church so as to liberate it from the matope (mud), which it has accumulated by being identified with world situation in Europe. This is clear testimony indicated that Nyerere ruled his country for the betterment of clandestine Catholic Church Movement (CCM), in Tanzania and Muslims in this country were the first in the world who contributed money to the Catholic secessionist state of Biafra in Nigeria to fight against their fellow Muslims in Nigeria, the most populous Muslim nation in Africa. The Catholic Church Movement in Biafra demanded to secede to rid themselves in what they called “a calamitous slavery in an ocean of Muslims.”

In contrary, a number of Muslim troops from Zanzibar were disproportionately killed during the Nyerere’s invasion of Uganda in 1979 which toppled a Muslim ruler, Iddi Amin and re-installed Nyerere’s old friend, Milton Obote, a Christian who supported Nyerere for the creation of Tanzania in collaboration with the Central Inteligence Agency (CIA) whose director was George Bush, later the former US President.

Their huge Christian Churches as well as many seminaries and proliferation of foreign priests and sisters in Tanzanian Churches, is a firm evidence that Christian organizations in Tanzania are affiliated with and used by foreign countries, because they can not through their local donation alone to carry out such activities and finance the lavish-style of their Church leaders.

All the Churches and monasteries in Tanzania are the property of the Western nations, from where they recieve their orders and budgets for evangelism. For instance, the Tanzanian Catholic Church is the property of Italians, Portuguese, Spaniards, Belgians and French, the Lutheran Church is the property of Germans and Dutch, the architect of the apartheid in South Africa. The Anglican Church is the property of the British, the Moravian Church is the property of the Nordic countries, the Church of Pentecostal Assemblies of God, Seventh Day Adventists and African Inland Mission, among others are the properties of the United States. Further evidence of their affiliation is that all the Churches in developing countries, including Tanzania are referred to as “provinces” meaning that they are a sort of institutional chapters, and that their highest leadership is from the Western countries instead of host countries.

The proliferation of Western Churches in Tanzania, led to the formation of many organizations such as the Tanzania Episcopal Conference (TEC), the Catholic Secretariat representing the largest Christian denomination; the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Tanzania (ELCT), representing the non-Catholic denomination; the Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT), comprising of Protestant Missionary Societies, the Office of the Anglican Archbishops, the Office of the Archbishop of the Greek Orthodox Church and the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahais, among others. The Tanzanian Churches are affiliated either with World Council of Churches or Lutheran World Federation. In contrast, the Muslims in Tanzania are marginalized and they are not allowed to be affiliated with any global Muslim organization, whether the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) or the Islamic Organization of Africa (IOA), in the gist that Tanzania is a secular state, despite the fact that secularism is a Christian ethos of governance (Matthew 22:21) and mimicked from the Western nations like the Unites States. Ironically, that Tanzania is a member of the Commonwealth, whose chief should always be the head of the Anglican Church of England, the former colonial ruler before the ascendancy of Nyerere in Zanzibar and Tanganyika.

Education under Christian Leadership

To many uninformed people, Nyerere is a public defender of secularism in the ruling Party and the government. But his secret meetings with Church leadership are quite the opposite. In his confidential conversation on August 2, 1970, with Rev. Robert Rweyemamu, the then Secretary General of Tanzania Episcopal Conference (TEC), the largest Christian denomination of Catholic Church, Nyerere is quoted in a book Development and Religion in Tanzania by J. P. van Bergen as saying that he has established in TANU a department of political education and that he deliberately appointed a Christian minister to head it not because he was a strong politician but because of his Catholic Faith. This book published by the Catholic Church stated that this reason the Rev. Mushendwa with his strong solid Christian faith, was put in charge of TANU’s Development of Political Education. Nyerere continued what was left by the British educational disparity against the Muslims. He was aware of Muslim’s grievance in the area of education. He wrote in his book Freedom and Unity that the disparity of educational levels could be used as a political issue:

“The enmity which could be stirred by the evil minded between Muslims and Christians as we all know, the colonial government did not concern itself very much with education and therefore the majority of those who managed to acquire did so in the mission schools, and are therefore mostly Christians. Here again, then we have a division by its very existence constitutes a political threat to unity.” (p. 179).

The Muslims in Tanganyika who pioneered and led the grassroots struggle against the Anglo-Ducth colonial rule to end oppression have not reaped the fruits of their labor since the 1961 independence. Many questions are now being asked by the contemporary Muslims about this bag puzzle. Educational disparity between Muslims and Christians goes on abated. In Tanganyika, Muslims claimed that they have been marginalised in their own country before and after independence. Their past experience with Nyerere convinced them that it is unfair to expect Christian, however sincere or honest he might appear to the public, to safeguard the interest of Muslims. He vowed not to improve the level of Muslim education in Tanganyika and Zanzibar.

Recent study conducted by G.A. Malekela, a Christian Professor in the Faculty of Education at the University of Dar es Salaam, stated that in the government Secondary schools in Tanganyika in 1983, Christians were 78% and all non-Christians were only 22%. Christians are clearly over represented despite the fact that Muslims are 65% in the population of Tanganyika. The latest research done by the Dar es Salaam University Muslims Trusteeship (DUMT) and published in 1992 by Al-Haqq International showed that the number of Muslim students has been falling in the country’s university Dar es Salaam and colleges. At the University of Dar es Salaam alone, the research reported that the total enrollment for the 1986-1990 was 4,191. Out of this number, Muslim students were only 586, or 13%, whereas Christians were 3,609 or 87%. It is was not therefore a sheer coincidence throughout his uninterrupted 24 years as the President of Tanzania (1961-1985), Nyerere, being a Catholic had always appointed a Christian to head the Ministry in Education. Muslims stated that because of this ever-increasing under-representation of Muslims in relation to Christians in Secondary and Higher Education, all key posts in the Tanzanian administration and public institutions came to be dominated by Christians, while Muslims largely relegated to menial positions such as drivers and messengers. The Muslims in Tanganyika are demanding their fair share of the national cake because after independence, Tanganyikan Muslim student intake is below 10%; the Muslim Cabinet ministers are negligible while Muslim principal secretaries and heads of parastatal organization are non-existent.

But like Tanganyika, the Muslims in Zanzibar have been discriminated against education in foreign countries after the forceful union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar to form Tanzania. Mohammed Mwinyi Mzale, the then Minister for Education in Zanzibar stated that of the 12 members of the Joint Selection Committee (JOSECO) which selects students for higher education in university and institutions at home and abroad, none is from Zanzibar. He lamented that when students on Zanzibar’s scholarship turn up at Tanzania missions abroad, they are kept a stiff arm’s length away on the pretext that they are not on a United Republic’s scholarship, even though in fact Zanzibar pays its share in the Union’s higher education budget. He contended that the executive bodies of higher education are Union only in word but in deeds and in their structure, there are mainland creatures and are there to do its biding. The Union parliament formulated policies for the interest of Tanganyika and believed that somehow the Tanganyika and Union governments are Siamese twins.

Aftermath of Nyerere on Islam

During the leadership of Nyerere (1961-Present), the Christians had much freedom of their religion as guaranteed in the secular constitution, as hypocritically practiced in all other secular states. Their freedom includes secularization and evangelization of the Muslims, who were not allowed to organize themselves independent of the central authority. The Muslim affairs were articulated through a weak and corrupt organization called Baraza Kuu la Waislamu Tanzania, the Supreme Council of Tanzania Muslims (BAKWATA), which works under the protection and guidance of the government. The absence of an independent Muslim body to represent Muslims created a spiritual vacuum in Tanganyika. For three decades (1961-1990), Muslims could not exert any meaningful influence in their society according to their religion. In a bid to end this status quo, Muslims managed to form Umoja wa Wahubiri wa Mlingano wa Dini (Union of Preachers for Propagation of Religion) better known as UWAMDI, whose Secretary General is Sheikh Swaleh Uthman Ngoy. The publication of UWAMDI known as Mizani (The Balance), is very much concerned with the quality of Muslim leadership in Tanganyika because right from the start in 1990, it expressed concern about the way BAKWATA, a body created by the Nyerere’s government in December 1968 to lead exclusively Muslims in Tanganyika.

The Mizani issue of April 6, 1990 published the Juma’a Khutba (Friday Sermon) of Sheikh Kassim bin Juma bin Khamis, Imam of the Mtoro Mosque in Dar es Salaam, when he called upon Muslims “Kuwaondoa viongozi wa Kitaifa wa BAKWATA” (to remove the national leaders of BAKWATA) and he also stated that: “Waislamu wachoshwa na uongozi wa BAKWATA” (the Muslims are tired of BAKWATA’s leadership). However, the charismatic leader behind the UWAMDI movement is Sheikh Mussa Hussein, born at Ujiji in 1918 who studied Islam under Sheikh Kibaraka Ibrahim, a famous Muslim leader in Ujiji known for his relentless opposition to colonialism in 1950s. Sheikh Kibaraka Ibrahim traveled extensively as an itinerant Muslim preacher in Burundi, Ruanda and Zaire.

Sheikh Mussa Hassan also studied under reputed Ujiji Muslim scholar, Sheikh Songoro Marjani Lweno (d. 1989), who was well known for his controversial views on the Bible. His book, Mtume Muhammad (SAW) Katika Bibilia (The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) in the Bible) was published in Lahore, Pakistan. Most of the famous preachers who belong to UWAMDI, and travelled under the name of Wahubiri wa Kiislam (Preachers of Islam) from Ujiji were students of Sheikh Kibaraka Ibrahim and Songoro Marjani. Among them is Swaleh Uthman Ngoy, whose main task is to answer questions from Christians, especially from Christian evangelists. As it is attested in his answers to an Afro-evangelist, Sylvester Gamanya on the divinity of Jesus Christ (pbuh), published in the Mizani of April 6, 1990. Other students from Ujiji are Othman Matata, the late Ngariba Mussa Fundi and Muhammed Ali Kawemba, the last two published a pamphlet in English, Islam in the Bible (1987) but Muhammad Ali and Othman Matata published two English pamphlets; The Message of Jesus and Muhammad (pbut) in the Bible (1989) and The Sons of Abraham (1990), the three mentioned pamphlets were published by the al-Khayriyyah Press in Zanzibar.

Othman Matata, Ngariba Fundi Mussa and Muhammed Ali Kawemba were deported from Mombasa by the Kenyan authorities in November 1987 which claimed that it is illegal to address public meetings in Kenya, yet the Reverend Reinhard Bonnke, leader of “Christ for All Nations” who has a base in Nigeria and is the son of a Pentecostal preacher from West Germany, was allowed in 1988 by the same Kenyan authorities under the auspices of two hundred and eleven different Churches in Kenya. Soon after the Nairobi’s Uhuru Park reverberated the gusto sounds of the “Great Gospel Crusade” of the Rev. Bonnke with his Kenyan interpreter, Rev. Masinde, the Kenyan President Daniel Arap Moi, himself a born again Christian, commended the Rev. Bonnke’s Crusade by presiding over one of the gatherings. He also wished the Rev. Bonnke to return periodically in Kenya but the same Muslim scholars from Tanzania were not only deported from Mombasa for preaching Islam but they were also forced to leave their own country. Muslim professionals and intellectuals, against much opposition from the BAKWATA, managed to form in November 1992 an independent Muslims organization called the Supreme Council of Islamic Organizations and Institutions of Tanzania, excluding the Zanzibar islands because Islamists there are viewed as secessionists from the union created by Nyerere. Under his regime, the Christian missionaries were free to carry out their activities and evangelize the downtrodden Muslims. In 1982, a group called themselves as “Crusaders” toured all the regions in Tanganyika for preaching Christianity in public but Abu Bakr Mwilima, Othman Matata, Ngariba Fundi Mussa and Muhammed Ali Kawemba were barred in 1987. The state controlled media chiefly dominated by Christians accused them for “sowing seed of hatred and instability” in Tanzania. Also, Mwinyi, a Muslim from Zanzibar was openly attacked in the Christian camps.

A person who managed to mobilize Christians opposed to President Ali Hassan Mwinyi’s leadership to counter the “Muslim threat” is none but the firebrand and outspoken the Rev. Christopher Mtikila, a Christian Fundamentalist guru of the Lutheran Church, which was instrumental for live-broadcast of Christmas in 1982 at a national level for the first time in Zanzibar history. Being the active head of Full Salvation Church, the Rev. Mtikila is also a leader of anti-Islamic battalion when he openly declared that his Crusade to defend Christianity against Islam. He became prominent in 1988 at the CCM conference at Kizota in Tanganyika when he wrote to Nyerere, the then Chairman of CCM on behalf of the Christians opposing Mwinyi’s presidency for propping up Islam at the expense of Christianity. His cyclostyled letters were circulated to all the participants of the Conference opened by Joseph Warioba, the then Prime Minister. The letter demanded to immediately investigate and rectify what he termed as a “Dangerous Government Stand” under President Mwinyi. On the contrary, the Rev. Mtikila asserted that when TANU was under Nyerere, he was fighting for independence, unity and equality between the citizens by eradicating religious discrimination.

This is the travesty of truth because Nyerere in his confidential conversation on August 2, 1970, with the Rev. Robert Rweyemaum, the then Secretary General of Tanzania Episcopal Conference (TEC), the largest Christian denomination of Catholic Church, Nyerere is quoted in a book published by the Roman Church titled Development and Religion in Tanzania by Jan P. van Bergen as saying that Nyerere has established in TANU, a department of political education and deliberately appointed a Christian minister to head it not because he was a strong politician but because of his Christian faith. For this justification, Jan P. van Bergen said that the Rev. Mushendwa was put in charge of TANU’s Development of Political Education because of his strong solid Christian faith.

For the past three decades, Nyerere never appointed a single Muslim as the Minister for Education, yet Muslims did not complain about the Christianization of the Education Ministry which becomes a Christian enclave due to Nyerere’s leadership. The accusation of the Rev. Mtikila, among other Christian fundamentalists that the “Muslims’ aim is to Islamize the whole of Tanzania” because Mwinyi had appointed four directors in the ministry of education is a manifestation of Christian fundamentalism. If Islamic fundamentalism is fanaticism, the same goes for Christian fundamentalism as he rhetorically stated that Muslims are endangering peace and unity in Tanzania despite the fact that peace and unity have always been the stock-in-pile of the Muslims in his country since the days of the struggle for Tanganyika independence and post-Tanzania.

It is known that with the exception of the lates Sheikh Sulayman bin Takadir, Sheikh Hassan bin Ameir al-Shirazy and Sheikh Zubeir Mtevu, the Muslims in Tanganyika overwhelmingly rejected their own All-Muslim National Union of Tanganyika (AMTU) to defend national unity under TANU whose president was Nyerere. These Islamists tried to impress their fellow Muslims that Christians, even they were their fellow Tanganyikans, had a deep-seated hatred and enmity towards Muslims and that they would never treat Muslims with fairness and justice once they control political power. They insisted that after independence, educational imbalance would never be redressed and the positions of Muslims in education and other social areas would not improve significantly. Because of their stand, Sheikh Sulayman bin Takadir was expelled from his then Chairmanship of Elders’ Council of TANU, while Sheikh Zubeir bin Mtevu formed the African National Union (ANC), in opposition to TANU under a Christian leadership of Nyerere.

Ironically, the Churches in Tanganyika rejected TANU, twice in 1958 at Sumbawanga and in 1965 at Mbulu. They were scheming hand in glove with the British colonial government which groomed Nyerere to be the first president in Tanganyika after British. After independence under Nyerere, Tanzanian Christians are reaping what they did not plant but are enjoying the benefits of every sector cemented by Christian Church Movement (CCM) supported by the Western nations.

Dondoo hizi zimechukuliwa kutoka kitabu cha Amani Thani Ferooz, Ukweli ni Huu, Mzanzibari na kiongozi wa Chama cha Wazalendo wa Zanzibar (Zanzibar Nationalist Party) katika miaka ya 1960. Sehemu hii inaelezea mateso waliyoyapata wafungwa wa kisiasa baada ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar ya 1964, ambayo kwa maoni yake yalikuwa na mavamizi ya Tanganyika kwa Zanzibar.

MAHABUSU WA KISIASA WA MWALIMU NYERERE

Maalim Harun Ustadh
Maalim Mohammed Mattar
Seyyid Hassan Sheikh
Seyyid Mohammed Adnan
Mzee Mohammed Mbaba
Ahmed-Rashad Ali
Hashim Haji  Abdalla
Seyyid Hashim Abdalla Baharun
Abdul-Latif Binbrek
Mohammed Shioni
Seyyid Mohammed Mattar
Mohammed Ali Abbas
Ali Abdalla (Admeri)
Ali Jaffer
Ali Khalifa Miskiry
Ali Manara (Mtu wa Tanganyika)
Aman Thani Fairooz

Baada ya kumaliza kutukhutubia, Mkuu wa Magereza, aliondoka na sisi kila mmoja alipe-wa kirago chake pamoja na shuka mbili na kopo la kunywiya maji na ndio hilo hilo la kutumia kwa kujisafishia baada ya kwenda haja kubwa na ndogo. Tulipomalizika sote kupewa vitu hivyo, tuliongozwa mpaka kwenye vyumba vya kulala mahabusi.
Siku ya pili, waliletwa wenzetu wawili wengine, mmoja alikuwa mwanamke, Bibi Mbarawa Bakari, yeye alipelekwa katika upande wa mahabusi wa kike na mwengine alikuwa Seyyid Harun Abdalla Baharun, yeye aliletwa upande wetu. Sote kwa jumla tukawa watu 19, mmoja mwanamke na 18 wanaume. Hawa wenzetu wawili, Bibi Mbarawa na Seyyid Harun wao walikamatwa hapo hapo Zanzibar. Mpaka wakati huo tulikuwa bado hatujaweza kufahamu sababu zilizope-lekea kukamatwa na kuletwa gerezani.

Baada ya kiasi cha mwezi mmoja tokea kuletwa gerezani, Rais Karume pamoja na kikosi chake cha ‘Baraza la Mavamizi’ walikuja na Karume alitukhutubia kwa kutumia ma-neno kama haya: “Nyinyi mmeletwa kwetu kutokana na ukorofi mnaoufanya huko Dar-es-Salaam. Mwalimu Nyerere ametoa amri muondolewe na mrejeshwe makwenu. Mpaka sasa bado hatujaletewa ripoti yenu kamili. Tutapoipata na baada ya kuichun-guza, tutatoa uamuzi wetu. Ikiwa kukuachilieni huru au kukupelekeni mbele ya mahakama. Lakini mjue kuwa mahakama yenyewe ni ya kijeshi. Ikiwa mutaonekana na kosa, basi adabu yenu itakuwa KIFO”. Baada ya kusema hivyo, alianza kutu-tukana na ku-tutisha kwa kutumia lugha za ukali na za vitisho na alielekeza ma-tusi yake na vitisho vyake zaidi kwa ndugu zetu wenye asili za Kingazija kwa vile ilitokea katika hilo kundi letu, jamaa wa Kingazija walikuwa wakionekana ni wengi. Kutokana na vitisho hivyo, ndugu yetu mmoja aliingiwa na khofu hata ali-tokwa na haja ndogo bila ya kuweza kujizuwia.  Karume na kikosi chake walipomuona katika hali hiyo, badala ya kuamrisha aon-dolewe kwa kusitiriwa, waliangua vicheko wakamcheka na kum-fanyia istihizai. Sisi tuliinamisha nyuso zetu chini utadhani wanawari wa ki-zamani. Ilikuwa ni siku hiyo na pahala kama hapo, gerezani, ndipo Rais wa nchi, Abeid Amani Karume alipotoa amri ikawa ndio sheria ya kuwa Wangazija wote si raia wa Zanzibar kuanzia siku hiyo na wakati huo.  Mngazija yoyote mwenye kutaka uraia wa Zanzibar basi lazima afanye maombi ya Tajnis.  Hapo hapo alimtaka Al-Haj Aboud Jumbe awaite waandishi wa magazeti siku ya pili na awape khabari hizo. Mzalia wa Zaire anamwambia mzalia wa Tanganyika atangaze kuwa wazalia  wa Zanzibar si Wazanzibari ati kwa kuwa asili ya wazee wao ni Comoro! Hii ndiyo haki?

Jambo la kustaajabisha na kuhuzunisha ni kuwa wakati huo alipokuwa Karume akipasisha sheria hiyo ya “kifashist”, hao ndugu zetu wajii-tao “progressives” walikuwepo na sio kuwa walinyamaza kimya kwa kuwafik hayo, bali walifurahikia na kupigia makofi na huku wakisema, “Sawa Mzee! Sawa Mzee”! Ikiwa u”progressive” wenyewe ndio hali yake kama hiyo, basi hatujui huo u”reactionary” utakuwa hali gani! Dikteta anatoa amri, amri inakuwa sheria ya nchi, bila ya hata kushauriana na hilo gengi lake la wauwaji, isitoshe, wanaojiita “progressives” wanasherehekea!! Baada ya hapo Karume na kikosi chake waliondoka na walituacha sisi katika khofu na ya wasi wasi kwa kufikiria yepi yatayotutokea, kwani yeye ndio keshatowa ruhusa tutendewe maovu wapendavyo hao aliowaachia nafsi zetu kwao. Serikali ya ‘mavamizi’ haikuwa ikiendeshwa kwa njia za haki, mwendo wake ni wa kinguvu-nguvu na kibaba-baba tu. Mfunge! Mnyonge! Mchinje! Ndio sheria zilizokuwepo. Kwahivyo tulikuwa katika hali mbaya sana baada ya siku hiyo.

Kiasi cha miezi miwili kutoka siku hi-yo aliyokuja Karume gerezani, natumai ilikuwa taarikh 14 Ramadhan, Disemba 1968, kiasi cha saa 12 za magharibi muda mchache kabla ya kulia kwa kin’gora, alitujia sajini wa magereza na alitutaka tu-chukue futari zetu tumfuate kwani wakati huo tulikuwa tu-mesha letewa mapande yetu ya muhogo wa kutokosa na majani mapevu ya kisamvu. Tulichukua na tu-limfuata mpaka katika uwanja wa ‘kotagadi’ alituambia tukae hapo. Kiasi cha muda mdogo, kin’gora kililia na tu-liruhusiwa kwenda kut-awadha na kusali, tulifuturu na kiasi cha kumaliza tu, taa zote za ‘kotagadi’ zilizimwa kumekuwa kiza to-to-roo! Mara lango la gereza lilifunguliwa na gari la magereza lika-ingia ndani kinyume nyume. Roho zilitubakuka, vinywa vilijaa mate, mradi kila mmoja hajijui, hajitambui.

Muda si muda, tuliam-biwa tuingie katika hiyo gari. Msafara wetu haukuwa mkubwa sana kwani ulimalizikia kwenye gereza la kwa “Ba Mkwe” au kwa jina lengine, “Mlango wa Nyuma”. Wakati huo, wenzetu wawili, Ahmed-Rashad Ali na Ali Manara, wao walikwisha achiliwa huru.

Hili gereza la “Kwa Ba Mkwe” limean-zishwa na Serikali ya Mavamizi muda mchache tu baada ya kukamata kutawala. Makusudio makubwa ya kuanzishwa gereza hilo ni la kuwatesea wananchi ili wawe na khofu wasithubutu  kutoa fikra zao na maoni yao kukhusu mwendo wa serikali. Wananchi wengi sana wamepotezewa roho zao katika gereza hilo. Gereza hilo lilikuwa chini ya uangalizi wa Idara ya Usalama (Security Department) na mkub-wa wa Idara hiyo alikuwa Ibrahim Makungu, na mkuu wa gereza hilo, alikuwa Hassan Reihan (Hassan Mandera) au kwa jina lengine alikuwa aki-julikana “ZIRAILI” na kweli alikuwa ziraili. Kwani mtu yoyote afikae mikononi mwake basi kurejea yuhai ni miujiza. Ponapona, utamalizikia gerezani kwa kifungo cha miaka kumi baada ya kufikishiwa kila aina ya mateso.

Tulifika kwa “Ba Mkwe” kiasi cha saa moja unusu za usiku na tulimkuta mwenyewe Mandera na watu wake wanatusubiri. Tulianza kuandikwa majina yetu mmoja mmoja, na kila anayemaliza kuandikwa akipelekwa kwenye vyumba vya gereza hilo. Tuligawanywa ka-tika vyumba mbali mbali. Kwa wakati huo hapana ali-yeweza kujua kuwa fulani yuko katika chum-ba fulani au yupo pamoja na fulani. Mimi niliba-hatika kutiwa chumba kimoja pamoja na Shariff Mohammed Mattar, katika chumba hicho tuli-wakuta watu wane weshakuwa wenyeji zamani. Wenzetu hao walitukaribisha na mmoja kati yao, alitwita kwa majina yetu. Yeye aliweza kututambua bali sisi tulishindwa kumtambua mpaka alipotujuul-isha yeye mwenyewe.

Hali zao zilikuwa zikitisha kwani wote walikuwa wamejifunga matambara na ma-gunia viunoni kuwa ndio nguo zao za kujisitiri, matumbo wazi. Manywele timtimu na yamesokotana, madevu na masharubu yameziba vinywa. Chumba ki-nafuka moto, chumba chenyewe ni urefu futi 10 na upana futi 10, kina dirisha moja nalo liko juu hata ukichupa huwezi kulipata. Yule mzee aliyetwita kwa majina yetu alituuliza, “Jee, mnaweza kunitambua mimi nani?” Tulimjibu laa, hatujaku-tambua”. Alisema, “Najua kuwa hamku-weza kunitambua. Jina langu ni Abbas Othman kwa jina la umaarufu naitwa Mzee Kenyatta”. Alipotutajia jina hilo la Kenyatta, hapo hapo tuliweza kumfahamu. Hakika alikuwa amebadilika sana. Mzee Kenyatta alituambia kama hivi:-
“Ndugu zangu, lazima nikuelezeni kukhusu mambo yaliopo katika gereza hili. Katika gereza hili, watu hawapewi virago vya kulalia, ndio kama mnavyoona hivi tulivyo tunalala na tunakaa juu ya sakafu kavu.

Kadiri ya nguo ulizokuja nazo ndizo hizo hizo utazoishi nazo kwa muda utaokuwepo katika gereza hili.  Hata ukiumwa basi hupelekwi kwa daktari, ukibahatika, unaweza ukaletewa vichembe viwili vya asprin, lakini si katika kawaida. Milango ya vyumba hivi inafungwa saa ishirini na nne.  Kufunguliwa kwake ni kwa muda maalumu tu, tena haifunguliwi yote kwa wakati mmoja.  Ukifunguliwa mlango wa chumba kimoja, vilivyo baki vyote huwa vimefungwa mpaka warejee waliyotolewa kutoka katika chumba hicho, ndiyo kifunguliwe chengine.

Yaani musiweza kukutana wa chumba hiki na chumba hiki. Nyakati zenyewe za kawaida za kufunguliwa milango ni alfajiri kiasi cha saa 11 hivi.  Wakati huo ndio hutoa ndoo ya uchafu wa choo, na wakati huo ndio tunautumia kwa haraka haraka kujitia maji mwilini, bila ya sabuni; na kusugua meno kwa kidole na kutumia udongo, hata kijiti cha msuwaki huachiliwa kuwa nacho hapa. Baada ya hapo hufunguliwa tena kiasi cha saa moja ya asubuhi kwa kwenda kuchukuwa kifunguwa kinywa.  Na baada ya hapo, hufunguliwa tena kiasi cha saa tano za mchana kwa ajili ya kuzitoa nje sahani za chai ya asubuhi.

Na hufunguliwa tena kiasi cha saa nane za mchana kwa ajili ya kuchukuwa chakula cha mchana.  Kisha baada ya hapo hufunguliwa tena kwa mara ya mwisho kwa siku hiyo kiasi cha saa 11 za jioni kwa ajili ya kuzitoa sahani za chakula cha mchana na kwa kuchukuwa maji. Muda wa kufunguliwa na kurejeshwa ndani hauzidi dakika kumi. Si ajabu tukaona hivi sasa, ukafunguliwa mlango na akatolewa yoyote kati yetu na ikawa ndio basi tusimuone tena, au baada ya muda wautakao wenyewe ndio wakamrejesha. Akitolewa mtu ndani ya chumba huwa kwa ajili ya mambo mane ndio khasa!  Imma hutolewa kwa kubadilishwa chumba au kwa kwenda kuteswa, au kwa kwenda kuuliwa, au kwa kwenda katika gereza kuu kwa kufungwa.  Amma kutolewa humu kwa kuachiliwa huru, hilo ni jambo la matokeo makubwa sana.”

Mzee Kenyatta alimaliza kwa kusema, “Haya niliyo kuelezeni ni mambo ya kawaida ya gereza hilii. Lakini vituko vinavyotokea katika gereza hili mara kwa mara ni vingi sana na vinaweza kututokea katika wakati wowote si mchana, si usiku. Kwa vile mpo, mtayaona wenyewe”.

Wakati huo, ulikuwa kiasi cha saa nne za usiku, tulita-funa vipande vyetu vya muhogo tulivyo vibakisha vikiwa ndio daku letu, na tulipiga kopo la maji kisha tulipangusa pangusa mchanga, na tulijitupa katika sakafu kavu, na kuutafuta us-ingizi. Wapi! Usingizi haukukubali kuja. Kucha tulizifungua TV za moyoni ikimalizika, chanal hii tukifungua nyengine; mpaka tuliposali Alfajiri jicho halikukubali  kufun-ga hata dakika.

Kiasi cha kumaliza tu kin’gora cha asubuhi cha kuingia makazini, mlango wa chumba chetu ulifun-guliwa na nilimuona kijana mmoja amesimama na alikuwa akitutizama kwa uso wa kijeuri uliyo chan-ganyika na ujinga. Kijana huyo aliuliza kwa sauti ya ki-jeuri kabisa, “Nani Aman Thani hapa?” Nilimjibu, “Mimi hapa”. Aliuliza tena, “Wewe ndiye uliyekuwa Katibu Mkuu wa Hizbu”? Nilimwambia, “Naam, ndiye mimi”. Aliniuliza tena, “Na wewe ndiye sasa Katibu Mkuu wa chama chenu cha siri cha Kiislamu huko Dar-es-Salaam?” Nilimjibu, “Chama hicho cha siri mimi sikijui, wala sijapata kukisikia, wala mimi siye Katibu Mkuu wa Chama hicho ikiwa kipo”. Aliniambia, “Baada ya muda mdogo, utakijua. Wengi kama wewe walipoletwa hapa, kila walichokuwa wakiulizwa wakisema, hatujui. Lakini baada ya kukutana na vijana wa kazi, kila walilosema hawalijui, waliliju-wa wenyewe. Basi na wewe baada ya muda mdogo utayajuwa yote, subiri tu”.

Alipomaliza kusema hivyo, aliufunga mlango kwa kijeuri. Alipoondoka huyo kijana niliwauliza wenzangu, “Huyu ndiye nani”? Mzee Abbas Kenyatta aliniambia, “Huyu anaitwa Musa Makwega. Inasemekana kuwa ni mtoto wa ndugu yake Simba Makwega”.
Naam, haukupita muda ila mlango wa chumba chetu ulifunguliwa tena na safari hii alikuja kijana mwengine. Kijana huyo alikuwa amevaa chupi tu, hakuwa na nguo nyengine yoyote katika mwili wake. Alipofika alisema, “Aman Thani na atoke nje”. Nilitoka na niliongozwa mpaka kwenye chum-ba kimoja kikubwa na huko nilimkuta Mandera na Juma Musa. Hawa wawili nilikuwa nikiwajua tokea zamani. Pia walikuwepo na wengine ambao baadae niliwajuwa majina yao. Mmoja akiitwa Ame Fidia na mwengine, Haji kwa umaarufu akiitwa Haji Kifupi, na yule aliyekuja kunichukuwa akiitwa Mzee. Haji na Mzee wote wawili walikuwa ni vi-jana wa Bumbwini, Unguja, na Ame Fidia alikuwa kijana wa Tumbatu, na Juma Musa alikuwa kijana wa ki-Unguja katika sehemu za mashamba, sikupata kujuwa shamba gani kwao.
Katika chumba hicho, kulikuwemo meza moja kubwa na viti viwili. Juu ya meza hiyo, kulikuwepo bastola moja na pembezoni mwa ukuta, kulikuwepo na mizigo kwa mizigo ya fimbo za mipera. Chini ya hiyo meza kulikuwepo kamba ya kitani iliyoku-wa nene kidogo ambayo katika ncha yake moja ilikuwa na kitanzi. Kuta za chumba hicho na sakafu yake, vyote vilikuwa vimejaa mabaka mabaka ya damu iliyokaukia. Mandera aliniambia. “Aman, mimi na wewe tuna-juana zamani sana. Hatujapata kukwaana hata mara moja, bali lazima nikuambie kuwa hapa katika gereza hili, hapana udugu, wala ubaba, wala urafiki, wala hapana kujuwana. Katika gereza hili, yapo mateso ya kila namna na tuna haki ya kumtesa mtu yoyote kwa mateso ya aina yoyote, maadamu atajifanya mkaidi wa kutwambia ukweli juu ya mambo tuyatakayo kutoka kwake. Na ikiwa atatwambia ukweli, basi hatoteswa na hatokaa humu kwa muda mkubwa ila ata-tolewa, na kwenda zake nje na kuendelea na maisha yake. Basi nakwambia na wewe ikiwa utataka uteswe basi utateswa; ikiwa utajaribu kuuficha ukweli, sisi tunazo khabari zote, lakini tu-nataka tuyakinishe kutokana na vinywa vyenu wenyewe.”

Aliendelea kwa kusema, “Tunalolitaka utwambie, ni nini makusudio ya kuunda hicho chama chenu cha siri cha Kiislamu, na ni nani wakuu wenu wenye kukiendesha chama hicho kwa kifedha? Tunajua kuwa nyie ni wenye kutumiliwa kwa kutekeleza madhumuni ya hao wakuu wenu. Nakuahidi, ikiwa utatwambia ukweli, basi hutokaa humu hata wiki, utatolewa na utarejeshwa Dar-esSalaam kuendelea na maisha yako”.
Hakika nilisangazwa na masuali hayo kwani licha mimi kuwemo na kutokuwemo katika chama hicho, bali hata kupata kukisikia sijapata kukisikia maisha yangu. Nilimjibu kuwa, “Mimi sikijui, wala hao wakubwa wa chama hicho ikiwa wapo, mimi siwa-jui”. Kiasi ya kumwambia hayo tu, nilimuona Mandera amebadilika sura yake na alianza kutumia lugha za ukali na matusi na mwisho aliniambia, “Ikiwa unataka kutuonesha uhodari kwa kukataa kusema kweli, basi na sisi tutakuonesha nini tutakufanya sasa hivi. Utatuambia ukweli au vipi?”

Nilimwambia, “Ikiwa un-autaka ukweli, huo niliyo kwambia ndio ukweli wala sina ukweli zaidi kuliko huo”, “yote haya uyasemayo miye sijui lolote juu yake”. Allah Akbar! Alinipiga kibao cha ghafla, kilinitupa mpaka chini. Hapo, aliamrisha nilazwe juu ya meza, sikuwahi hata kupepesa, nilijisitukia nimesha bwag-wa juu ya meza kama gunia la chumvi na ni-melazwa kifudifudi.

Naam, Mandera hakupoteza wakati, alianza kunicharaza kwa fimbo za mipera na huku akinitukana kwa matusi mabaya mabaya. Nilikuwa siwezi hata kufurukuta kwani hao wasaidizi wake walinidhibiti mikono na miguu, mradi nilikuwa taaban! Tokea nilikuwa nikihisi maumivu ya kupigwa mpaka mwili ulikufa ganzi nik-awa sihisi chochote. Tokea nikiweza kupiga makelele na kuyayatika mpaka nilikuwa siwezi hata kuguna. Alipochoka mwenyewe, ndipo na mimi nilipopata afuweni. Lakini, wakati huo nilikuwa chordo! Chumba chote nikikiona kinazun-guka na watu nikiwaona wanazunguka.

Niliachwa katika hali hiyo kiasi cha muda mdogo, kisha Mandera aliniambia niinuke kwenye meza nikae katika kiti. Nilipojaribu kujizowa-zowa, miguu ilishindwa kukanyaga chini kwani bakora zilifika mpaka nyayoni na pia miguu ilikuwa ikinitetemeka. Nilikamatwa huku na huku na kuwek-wa juu ya kiti. Mandera aliniuliza, “Umefunga wewe leo?” (kwani siku hiyo ilikuwa Ramadhani ya kumi na tano) Nilimjibu, “Naam, nimefunga!” Aliniambia, ” Basi leo, utafuturu mikwaju”. Wakati huo roho ilikuwa kavu, mate yamenikauka, jasho likinitoka kila sehemu ya mwili. Matako yametutumka na ku-pasuka pasuka. Kiti kilikuwa hakikaliki kwani kilikuwa kikinitonesha. Kwa hakika, nilikuwa katika hali mbaya sana. Baada ya Mandera kupumua kidogo, alirejea tena kuniuliza masuali yake yale yale aliyoniuliza mara ya mwanzo. Na mimi, nilimjibu kama nilivyomjibu mwanzo.

Hapo, Mandera aliamrisha nitiwe ile kamba ya kitanzi na nikatiwa nayo shingoni. Baada ya ku-tiwa, ilichukuliwa ncha moja ikapitishwa dirishani. Dirisha hilo lilikuwa juu sana hata huyo aliyekuwa akipenyeza hiyo kamba ilim-bidi apande juu ya meza kuitupia. Wakati huo mimi nilikuwa nimekaa juu ya kiti na shingoni mwangu nimevalishwa hicho ki-tanzi cha kamba ya kitani. Wote walitoka nje, isipokuwa Mandera tu alibakia pamoja na mimi na kitanzi changu shin-goni mwangu. Utafikiri n’gombe mkali wa kuchezwa. Wale wali-yokuwa wametoka nje, kazi yao ilikuwa kuivuta ile kamba mfano wa mtu anapovuta ndoo ya maji kutoka kisimani kwa kutumia roda. Nilianza kunyanyuka, si kwa khiyari, bali kwa kule kuvutwa mpaka nilikiwa-cha kiti ikawa nafuata kule ninako vutwa. Mandera kazi yake ilikuwa ni kuamrisha, “Vuta! Wacha!” Akisema vuta, huvutwa na akisema wacha huachiliwa.

Na ilipokuwa ikiachiwa, nilikuwa nikishindwa kujizuwia kwahivyo nikianguka kama nanga ibwatikavyo ba-harini. Mandera alikuwa akinipiga kwa fimbo za mipera na huku akiniambia, “Simama!”. Mradi kazi ilikuwa kama hivyo, mpaka walipotaka wenyewe, waliniachia na walinitoa hicho kitanzi. Mandera alitoka nje ya hicho chumba na aliniacha mimi na hao wasaidizi wake. Juma Musa aliniam-bia, “Sikiliza Aman! Wacha ushupavu wako utakuja kujidhuru mwenyewe. Hapa ni pahala pabaya sana. Matokeo ya gereza hili hutoyaweza wewe, kwani ni ya khatari sana na mwisho ni kuuliwa. Basi mimi nakuomba useme kweli wa hicho chama chenu upate kujinusuru na mateso”.

Mimi nilinyamaza kimya sikumjibu chochote, kwani nilielewa kuwa anatumia lugha alizofundishwa katika kazi yake hii. Juma Musa alipoona hakupata chochote kwangu, na yeye alitoka katika hicho chumba na kuniacha mimi na hao wasaidizi wao wengine. Baada ya muda, Mandera na Juma Musa walirejea katika chumba, Mandera ali-wauli-za hao watu wake kama nimesema chochote na Juma Musa alimwambia Mandera kuwa, “Anajifanya hodari, hataki kutwambia ukweli. Mimi nimejaribu kumnasihi, hata hakuonesha ku-wa ananibali kitu”. Mandera alisema, “Kwa nini hatu-muuwi, kwani patakuwa kitu gani tukimuuwa? Lete ile bastola!” Kijana mmoja katika wasaidizi wake akiitwa Mzee, aliruka  kuileta hiyo bastola. Mandera aliniambia, “Unaiona hii basto-la, basi towa shahada kabisa. Leo utafuturu kabur-ini”.

Aliamrisha nifungwe kitambaa cha uso. Makame Fidia ndiye aliyenifunga hicho kitambaa. Nilitoa shahada. Hapo sikuweza kujuwa yalipitish-wa mazingaombwe gani kwani nilisikia mlio mkub-wa wa risasi lakini haikunigusa wala haikuniuwa, lakini kwa khofu nilizokuwa nazo, nilianguka mpaka chini. Nilipoanguka, niliwasikia wakicheka kwa tafrija na istihizai, na huku Mandera akisema, “Nyoo! Si unajitia uho-dari wewe, mbona unaogopa kufa. Hii ya leo ni trai tu mchezo bado”.

Mandera aliamrisha nifunguliwe hicho kitambaa cha uso na baada ya kufunguliwa, aliniambia, “Leo tutakuachia ukapumzike na ukazidi kufikiri mpaka kesho. Utakapoletwa hapa uweumesha kata shauri juu ya kusema kweli au kuendelea na kuuficha ukweli. Lakini, nakwambia kuwa kesho ukitufanyia mchezo kama huu uliyoufanya leo, basi tutaanza kwa kukutoa kucha za vidole vya mikono, kisha tukutowe na vya miguu, na tutakupaka hina ya pili pili ho-ho.  Sasa mrejesheni kwa wenzake. Wakati huo kin’gora cha saa nane unusu cha kutoka watu makazini kilikuwa kikilia. Mchezo ulianza tokea saa mbili za as-ubuhi mpaka wakati huo wa saa nane unusu ndipo ulipomalizika.

Nilikuwa katika hali mbaya sana hata nilishindwa kwenda bila ya kusaidiwa kwa kukamatwa mkono utadhani mtoto mdogo anafundishwa kwenda tata.
Nilipofika katika chumba wenzangu waliponiona hali hiyo niliyokuwa wakati huo, jambo la mwanzo, walininasihi nisiendelee na sau-mu, na mimi nilihisi hivyo hivyo, kwani roho yangu ilikuwa kavu, midomo mikavu hata mate ya-linikauka.

Hapakuwepo na cha kukila kwa wakati huo, isipokuwa maji na hata kingekuwepo, basi nisingeweza kukila.  Hayo maji nayo yalikuwa yakipita kwa shida. Mwili wangu ulikuwa umejaa mitutumko tutumko, na mipasuko pasuko ya bakora za Mandera hata nilikuwa na taabu kwa muda wa siku kadhaa kuweza kulala; bali hata kukaa kitako ilikuwa taabu. Ilipofika laasiri, nilipata homa kubwa sana na wenzangu walijaribu kuwaita wachungaji wa gereza hilo kwa kuwagongea mlango ili wapate kuniombea dawa.

Hapana aliyekuja. Kwa bahati Mzee Kenyatta alikuwa na akiba ya vidonge vya aspirin, aliweza kunigaia vidonge viwili, si haba viliweza kidogo kunisaidia. Usiku kucha nilikesha kwa maumivu niliyokuwa nayo na kwa khofu nilizokuwa nazo kwa kufikiria  hayo yaliyokuwa yakiningojea patapo kucha. Mandera nilikuwa nikimuona amenisi-mamia ma-choni mwangu. Kulipokucha homa ilinizidi kwani ilikuwa kila dakika ipitayo, nilikuwa sasa hivi au khala-fu ni-takuja kuchukuliwa. Al-Hamdulillahi, nilishinda kut-wa na kucha bila ya hata kuulizwa. Na ilikuwa ndio basi, hawakunichukua tena baada ya siku hiyo moja.

Tulikaa katika gereza hilo la “Kwa Ba Mkwe” tokea Disemba 1968 mpaka taarikhi 3 Mei, 1969 tulipotolewa na kupelekwa katika Makao Makuu ya Magereza. Kupelekwa kwetu huko kulikuwa kwa ajili ya kufungwa gerezani. Tulipofika ‘kotagadi’, ilikuwa kiasi cha saa 11 za jioni. Kila mmoja alipewa viroba vyake, na shuka moja, na kirago cha kulalia pamoja na kopo la kunywiya maji. Tulizivua nguo zetu na tulivivaa viroba vya kifungwa. (Viroba ni shati lisilokuwa na ukosi na suruali kipande, kaputura).

Tulipoona tumepewa viroba vya wafungwa, kila mmoja alipigwa na msangao na machozi yalikuwa ya kimlengalenga. Tulijikaza kidume na tulikuwa tukipeyana moyo wenyewe kwa wenyewe. Waliyokuwa wakitusikitisha zaidi ni wale wenzetu waliyokuwa wazee kwa umri wao kama Seyyid Hassan Sheikh, Maalim Harun Ustaadh, na mare-hemu Maalim Mohammed Mattar. Wote hao walikuwa umri wao ni baina ya miaka 60 na 70 na hawakuwa na siha nzuri kutokana na maradhi waliyokuwa nayo, ya Presha, Sukari na maradhi ya ukongwe. Tuliweza kuelewa kuwa tumesha kuwa wafungwa lakini hatujui kifungo chetu ni cha muda gani. Juu ya hayo, kwa vile kuwa tumetoka katika gereza la “Kwa Ba Mkwe”, tukiwa na uhay wetu. Ingawa baadhi yetu tulikutana na mateso lakini tumetoka bila ya vilema na kuwa an-galau tutaweza kwenda huku na huku kuliko kukaa ki-tako kimoja usiku na mchana, bila ya harakati zo zote, tuliona siku hiyo kama tumeachiliwa huru.

Kabla ya kuondoka hapo ‘kotagadi’, tuliwaona wen-zetu wengine nao wameletwa na kupewa viroba vyao. Miongoni mwao, walikuwemo, Bwana Abdul-Aziz Twala ambaye alikuwa Waziri katika Serikali hiyo ya Mavamizi, Bwana Jaha Ubwa, ambaye alikuwa, Mkuu wa Jimbo (Area Commissioner), Bwana Mdungi Usi, am-baye alikuwa, Katibu wa Baraza la Mji (Town Clerk), Bwana Aboud Nadhif, ambaye, alikuwa Mkuu wa Idara ya Muawana (Co-operative Society), Bwana Juma Maulid (Jimmy Ringo) ambaye alikuwa, Kamisari (Commissar). Pia miongoni mwao walikuwemo, Mzee Abbas (Kenyatta) na Ali Ngwenge, wote hao wawili ni katika wakereketwa wa Afro-Shirazi.

Vile vile waliyoletwa kufungwa siku hiyo kutoka huko huko gerezani “Kwa Ba Mkwe”, alikuwa ndugu yetu, Sheikh Saleh Ali Nasser (Saleh Master). Ndugu yetu huyu Saleh Ali Nasser (Master) ni mmoja kati ya wananchi waliyoteswa vibaya sana katika gereza hilo la “Kwa Ba Mkwe”. Kwani siku hiyo tuliyoletwa Makao Makuu ya Magereza kwa ki-fungo, mwenzetu huyo alikuwa hata hakuweza kwenda sawa sawa kwa miguu yake.

Tulipomaliza sote tulipelekwa kwenye vyumba vya kulala mahabusi na kulipokucha baada ya kufungua vinywa kwa vipande vya muhogo mchungu wa kutokosa na uji wa sembe, tulipangwa na kun-yolewa nywele mmoja mmoja kwa nyembe zilizokuwa butu kweli kweli. Kila mmoja alikuwa akichu-rurika damu kich-wani kwa kuparuzwa paruzwa. Baada ya hapo, tulipelekwa kwa Mkuu wa Magereza kwa kutia vidole vyetu katika Daftari la kuwekewa majina ya wafungwa. Kama kawaida, tuliyakuta yameandikwa yale yale ya kutia choko choko, kuhukumiwa na mkuu wa jeshi la Taifa katika mahakama ya Kijeshi.

Mradi uwongo na unafiki mtupu. Tulipofika kwa Mkuu wa Magereza, Bwana Adam Taib, ndipo tulipoambiwa kuwa tumefungwa miaka 10 kwa kila mmoja. Baada ya kuondoka hapo kwa Mkuu wa Magereza, nilimwambia Jaha Ubwa, kwa uchungu kwani ukishakuwa mfungwa huna tena unachokiogopa. Nilimwambia, Jaha, “Unaiona Serikali yako hii inavyosema uwongo hivi!? Jaji gani huyo aliyetuhukumu sisi, au mahakama gani hayo tuliyohukumiwa? Au nyinyi wenzetu, mlipelekwa?” Jaha masikini, alishindwa hata kunijibu. Alibakia akipuma tu na kunitumbulia ma-cho. Neno alilolisema ni, “Mungu atatulipa”. Yeye na wenziwe ndio hapo Mungu anawalipa kwa waliyoyatenda kuipindua nchi na kuunga mkono mauwaji ya ASP. Baada ya chakula cha mchana, tuliondolewa na kupelekwa gereza la Langoni (shamba).

MATESO YA “KWA BA MKWE”

Wananchi wengi wa Unguja na Pemba wameteswa mateso mabaya mabaya katika gereza hilo la “Kwa Ba Mkwe”. Wengi wamepoteza roho zao kwa mateso hayo na wengi wametoka humo na vilema katika viwiliwili vyao. Licha ya kuteswa kwa kupigwa kwa bakora bali baadhi ya wananchi wamefika kuchomwa moto wa sigireti katika tupu zao mpaka wakawa-chwa na madonda bila ya kupe-wa dawa ya namna yoyote. Wengine wamefukizwa pilipili hoho na huku wamefunikwa shuka.

Wakifukizwa mpaka chini ya tupu zao. Wapo waliyokuwa wameteswa kwa kumwagiwa mafuta ya petroli kisha wak-awashwa moto. Wapo walion’golewa kucha za mikono na miguu na kutiwa rojo la pilipili hoho. Wapo walioteswa kwa kutiwa mpira katika tundu zao za kwendea haja kubwa na kisha wakamiminiwa maji mfano wa mtu anapopigwa bomba kabla kufanyiwa op-ereshini au kwa dawa fulani hospitali. Hufanyiwa hivyo, mpaka matumbo yakawajaa maji yakawa yanatokea mdo-moni. Wapo walioingiliwa nyuma.

Nathubutu kusema kuwa mateso waliyokuwa wakiteswa wananchi wa Unguja na Pemba katika gereza hilo la “Kwa Ba Mkwe”, hata huko Afrika ya Kusini wakati wa Rais Botha au Haiti  wakati wa utawala wa Papadok, haya-jawahi  kufanyika kama hayo yaliyofanyika Zanzibar wakati wa Utawala wa Karume na Al-Haj Aboud Jumbe. Lakini ulimwengu kwa sababu wazijuazo wenyewe, ulinyamaza kimya kama kwamba hakukuwa likitokea lolote. Lakini, ulim-wengu si huu tu, utakuja ulimwengu mwengine na huko tutakutana na Hakimu mwenye kuyajuwa ya dhahiri na ya siri yaliyokuwa yametendeka. Hakimu mjuzi wa kuadhibu kama istahikivyo, bali sio Mandera, mateso ya Mandera hayawezi kulin-gana na hata chembe ya mchanga ya malipo ya Hakimu wa Kesho. Na tujiweke tayari, na hayo hayako mbali bali yako karibu kweli kweli.  Ni kufunga pumzi tu!

MAISHA YA GEREZA LANGO

Hali ya maisha ya magereza katika wakati huo(1968) yalikuwa mabaya zaidi kuliko yale ya wakati ule wa mwanzo nilipokuwa nimefungwa (1964 – 1967). Shida za kila kitu zilikuwa kubwa. Chakula walichokuwa wakipewa wafungwa kiliku-wa hakitoshi kulin-gana na ugumu wa kazi walizokuwa wakifany-ishwa. Kwa jinsi ya wananchi walivyokuwa waki-fungwa kwa wingi, ilifika mpaka magereza ku-wa hayana  nguo wala virago  vya  kuwapa wafungwa wepya, licha ya chakula. Wafungwa wapya walifika kupewa vipande vya magunia kuvaa viunoni na ku-lala juu ya upande wa gunia. Ilikuwa wanapomaliza baadhi ya wafungwa vi-fungo vyao, viroba vyao ndio hupewa wa-fungwa wengine bila ya hata kufuliwa.

Katika mwaka wa 1970 na 1971, magereza yakinuka njaa na uchafu kwani kulikuwa hakuna chakula chochote baada ya muhogo mchungu asubuhi na mchana kwa majani mapevu ya kisamvu. Wafungwa walikuwa wakikiita chakula hicho, “full suit” kwa kuwa chakula ni muhogo na kitoweo chake ni majani ya muhogo. Muhogo wenyewe ulitokea kuwa mchungu na zaidi ya mambo chumvi nayo ilikuwa imeadimika kwahivyo, mambo yalizidi kuwa magumu. Wafungwa walikuwa wakiponea makoroma ya nazi wakati wanapokuwepo katika kazi za nje, makondeni na vichakani.

Jua lilikuwa kali sana hata mito mingi na visima,  vilikauka vikawa havina hata tone moja la maji. Wafungwa walikuwa wakinuka kama fungo. Mwenyezi Mungu alijaalia kisima kimo-ja kiliopo karibu na gereza la Langoni kilikuwa kikitoka maji. Lakini, watu wakitoka Kizimbani Sakafuni kuja kuteka maji hapo, na kisha wakiya-pakia kwa mapipa na madebe katika magari ya n’gombe. Mradi dhiki ilikuwa kubwa sana. Kwa jinsi ya wafungwa walivyokuwa wengi, ulifika wakati tulikuwa tukilala wafungwa 70 mpaka 80 katika banda moja ambalo lililokusudiwa kulazwa wafungwa si zaidi ya 30 mpaka 40 kwa wingi.

Wananchi walikuwa wakifungwa ovyo bila ya makosa yoyote. Ikiwa Mheshimiwa anamtaka mke wa mtu na hampati kwa sababu wewe unamuhifadhi na  kutoka ovyo ovyo, basi utasitukia unakumbwa na Mandera bila ya kulijua kosa ulilolitenda. Kwanza ut-awekwa katika hilo gereza lake la “Kwa Ba Mkwe” na mwisho utapelekwa katika gereza kuu kwa kifun-go cha kuanzia miaka mine mpaka miaka 10! Hujahukumiwa wala hujaambiwa umefanya nini.

NYAKATI ZA KUFANYISHWA KAZI ”WAFUNGWA WA SISASA”

Kengele ya kuamshwa wafungwa ilikuwa ikipigwa saa 11 za alfajiri. Likifunguliwa tu banda wengine tulikuwa tukikimbilia vyooni, na wengine walikuwa wakikimbilia kuchukua kifungua kinywa. Saa 12 barabara tulikuwa tukitolewa  kwenye kambi na kupelekwa sehemu za kufanyishwa kazi. Kiasi ya saa moja asubuhi tukianza kufanyishwa kazi ikiwa za kulima au za kun’goa minazi au za namna yoyote mpaka saa tisa za alaasiri ndipo inapo simamishwa kazi na kure-jeshwa kambini kwa wale waliyokuwa wameweza kumaliza kazi zao. Ama kwa wale waliyokuwa hawakuweza kumaliza mpaka kufika wakati wa kusimamishwa kazi, wao walikuwa wakiachwa hapo hapo kuendelea na kazi wamalize sehemu zao.

Wafungwa wanaorejeshwa kambini wakiwa wamemaliza kazi zao kwa wakati, wao baada ya kula chakula na kupumzika kidogo, walikuwa wakichukuliwa tena kwa kufanyishwa kazi ndogo ndogo kama vile, kukata majani, kwenda kuokota kuni, kupalilia matuta na hata wakati mwengine kupalilia mpunga na kulima. Kazi ya wakati huo ilikuwa ikiitwa “fatiki”. Ikianza saa 11 mpaka saa 12 za magharibi.  Baada ya hapo ndio  tukiachiliwa kiasi cha nusu saa ku-koga ikiwa maji yapo.

Katika wakati wa kikoloni, wafungwa walikuwa wakifanyishwa kazi kuanzia saa moja ya asubuhi mpaka saa saba za mchana, na walikuwa hawafanyishwi kazi siku za Jumapili, wala siku za mapumziko mengine ya Serikali, wala walikuwa hawafanyishwi hiyo “FATIKI”. Lakini wakati wa Serikali ya wenyewe, wenye  kujiita, “waleta usawa na waondoa dhulma kwa wananchi wan-yonge”, ndio wakati ilipofanyika dhulma ya daraja ya juu na ndio wakati waliyoku-wa wamedhulumiwa hao wanyonge. Wanafunzi wa Chuo Kikuu cha Dar-es-Salaam walipofanya maandamano na kusema bora mkoloni Mwalimu Nyerere alihamaki na kukifunga chuo hicho kwa muda! Kweli chungu.

UFUNGWA WA KARUME NI ZAIDI YA UTUMWA

Mara nyingi Mwalimu Nyerere na viongozi wa Serikali ya Mavamizi ya Zanzibar husema juu ya ubaya wa utumwa uliyokuwepo visiwani Zanzibar. Hatusemi kuwa utumwa ulikuwa ni kitu kizuri, hashaa! Kumnunua binaadamu mwenzio na kummiliki upendavyo ni jambo baya sana na wala hapana binaadamu mwema awezaye kulikubali au kulikubalisha jambo kama hilo. Kwa kufahamu ubaya na idhlali za mtu kunyimwa uhuru wake wa maumbile Zanzibar ilikuwa miongoni mwa wa mwanzoni kuharamisha utumwa. Utumwa umeondolewa rasmi Zanzibar tokea mwaka 1897, ni kiasi cha miaka 67 mpaka hapo yalipofany-ika hayo ‘mavamizi’, ka-tika 1964.

Idadi kubwa sana ya wananchi wa Unguja na Pemba hawajui huo utumwa namna ulivyokuwa, lililokuwepo ni kusikia tu. Juu ya hivyo, iwapo tutachunguza kwa kutumia akili zetu kwa njia za insafu, na tuk-aweka upande chuki zetu binafsi, tutafahamu kuwa utumwa uliokuwepo katika visiwa vya Zanzibar, haukuwa wenye mateso kama ilivyokuwa katika nchi ya Kimarekani na nchi zenginezo ulimwenguni.  Kwani lau ingalikuwa watumwa katika Zanzibar walikuwa wakiteswa kama wadaivyo akina Nyerere na wenziwe, basi, wakati ulipopigwa marufuku huo utumwa, asingetokea hata mmoja kukataa kuondoka katika nyumba ya huyo aliyekuwa bwana wake. Katika kitabu “Short History of East Africa”, Dr. Hollingsworth ameandika miezi mitatu baada ya kutoka sheria ya kuwa mwenye kutaka uhuru wake akabadilishe basi ni watu 120 tu waliokwenda jiandikisha.

Anasema Hollingsworth, “Ni jambo la kweli kuwa watumwa wengi wakiangaliwa vizuri na bwana zao”. Mpaka hivi leo wapo vilembwe vya hao waliyokuwa watumwa wanaishi pamoja na vilembwe vya hao waliyokuwa mabwana. Si kama wanaishi tu, bali wazee wao wamezaliwa katika majumba hayo na wao wenyewe wamezaliwa katika majumba hayo hayo. Na wanaishi kama ni ndugu na wajomba.

Katika huo wakati wa utumwa tunavyosikia kutokana na wazee ni kuwa watumwa walikuwa wakipewa pahala pao pakulala, wakipewa chakula kizuri, wakiozwa wake na wanawake wakiozwa waume na wengine walikuwa wakiolewa na hao mabwana zao na vizazi vingalipo hadi hivi leo. Watumwa walikuwa hawafanyishwi kazi siku za Ijumaa wala siku za Sikukuu na walikuwa hawaad-hibiwi kwa kupigwa labda ikiwa wamefanya makosa yaliyokuwa makubwa. Watumwa waliandikiwa mashamba na majumba na bwana zao.

Haya, natuwatizame hao watumwa wa Karume waliyokuwa wakiitwa, “wafungwa wa kisiasa”, ilikuwa kabla ya kupelekwa katika mateso ya ku-fanyishwa kazi, kwanza waliku-wa wakipe-lekwa kwa Mandera wakateswe kwa kila namna ya mateso. Watakao bahatika kubakia na uhai kutokana na mateso hayo ndio tena hupelekwa magerezani kwa ku-fanyishwa kazi ngumu zenye mateso makubwa makubwa. Watumwa hao wa Karume walikuwa wakifanyishwa kazi kutoka saa moja ya asubuhi mpaka saa 12 za magharibi na walikuwa hawapewi chakula zaidi ya muhogo na majani mapevu ya muhogo.

Walikuwa hawaachiliwi kupumzika laa Ijumaa walaa Jumaapili walaa siku za Sikukuu. Wakiumwa walikuwa wakiachwa hivyo hivyo na maradhi yao mpaka wapone kwa kudra za Mwenyezi Mungu na wengine wameondoka duniani kwa kutoku-pata matibabu yenye kufaa. Kwa jumla watumwa wa Karume khasa tulioku-wa wakiitwa, “wafungwa wa kisiasa”, tulikuwa haturuhusiwi kuja kutizamwa na watu wetu bali, hata ku-waandikia barua tulikuwa haturuhusiwi.

Kwa wingi na shida ya mateso tuliyokuwa tukiyapata, katika ku-fanyishwa kazi, wawili kati ya kundi letu la watu 16 tuliyoletwa na Nyerere kutoka Dar-es-Salaam walikufa gerezani. Nao ni Mzee Mohammed Mbaba na Maalim Harun Ustadh. Wote hao wawili waliumwa na waliachwa wakiatilika na maradhi bila ya kupewa matibabu, ingawa Bwana Mganga wa gereza la Langoni, alitoa amri ya kutaka wapelekwe wakaonane na Daktari mkuu katika hospitali kuu ya mjini. Lakini aliyekuwa mkuu wa magereza ya Langoni na Kinu Moshi, Muhidin Khamis Kwangwati alikataa kuwapeleka na aliwaacha hapo hapo gerezani mpaka walipokuwa karibu na kukata roho, ndipo alipo waondoa na kuwapeleka kwenye kihospitali kidogo cha gereza kiliopo katika Makao Makuu ya Magereza Kiinua Miguu, na huko hawakukaa muda illa waliiaga dunia. Tuliishi katika hali kama hizo za dhiki na shida pamoja na mateso ya kila namna kwa muda wa siku 1110 yaani miaka mitatu na siku.

Wizara ya Elimu na Mafunzo ya Amali imesema Zanzibar inakabiliwa na upungufu mkubwa wa walimu wa masomo ya Hisabati na Sayansi katika Shule zake mbalimbali Visiwani hapa.

Akijibu swali katika Baraza la Wawakilishi jana, Naibu Waziri wa Wizara hiyo, Khamis Jabir Makame, amesema kuwa kwa sasa mkazo zaidi umewekwa kuajiri walimu wa masomo yenye upungufu.

Naibu Waziri huyo alisema kwamba juhudi zinafanywa kuhakikisha walimu wa masomo hayo wanapatikana ili kuondoa tatizo hilo ambapo pia alisema walimu wa masomo mengine wataajiriwa ili kuondoa tatizo la upungufu wa walimu.

Alisema tatizo la upungufu wa walimu kwa baadhi ya wilaya na mikoa linasababishwa pia na tabia ta kuhamahama kwa walimu kwenda katika Mkoa wa Mjini Magharibi Unguja na maeneo yaliyo karibu na miji. Kiuchumi kuhamahama huku kwa walimu kunahusishwa na kukimbilia fursa za kujiendeleza maana katika maeneo mengi ya visiwa vya Unguja na Pemba hali ni duni sana kuweza kuishi maisha ya kawaida.

Makame alisema kitaifa wastani wa uwiano wa wanafunzi kwa mwalimu ni 30:1 ambao ni mzuri sana kwa vigezo vya nchi zinazoendelea hivyo kutokana na uwiano huo ni dhahiri kwamba kuendelea kuajiriwa kila kijana aliyehitimu mafunzo ya ualimu ni kuibebesha mzigo Serikali.

Naibu Waziri huyo amelieleza Baraza kuwa kuna vijana zaidi ya 1,500 waliohitimu mafunzo ya stashahada ya ualimu katika kipindi cha mwaka 2007/2008 ambao bado hawajaajiriwa na Serikali.

Alisema kwmaba tatizo zaidi lipo kwa wale waliomaliza mafunzo ngazi ya cheti daraja la IIIA kwani waliomaliza mafunzo ya ualimu ngazi ya shahada wamekuwa wakiajiriwa bila matatizo yoyote.

Hata hivyo, Naibu Waziri Makame aliwahakikishia wajumbe wa Baraza la Wawakilishi kuwa kimsingi Serikali imeshakubali kuwaajiri watu wote waliohitimu mafunzo ya stashahada ya ualimu ambapo kazi hiyo inatarajia kukamilika mwishoni mwa mwaka huu.